CONTEMPORARY WORLD HISTORY

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SIXTH EDITION SIXTH

EDITION

W ILLIAM J . D UIKER The Pennsylvania State University

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR

WILLIAM J. DUIKER is liberal arts professor emeritus of East Asian studies at The Pennsylvania State University. A former U.S. diplomat with service in Taiwan, South Vietnam, and Washington, D.C., he received his doctorate in Far Eastern history from Georgetown University in 1968, where his dissertation dealt with the Chinese educator and reformer Cai Yuanpei. At Penn State, he has written extensively on the history of Vietnam and modern China, including the highly acclaimed The Communist Road to Power in Vietnam (revised edition, Westview Press, 1996), which was selected for a Choice Out- standing Academic Book Award in 1982–1983 and 1996–1997. Other recent books are China and Vietnam: The Roots of Conflict (Berkeley, 1987); Sacred War: Nationalism and Rev- olution in a Divided Vietnam (McGraw-Hill, 1995); and Ho Chi Minh (Hyperion, 2000), which was nominated for a Pulitzer Prize in 2001. He is the author, with colleague Jack- son Spielvogel, of World History (seventh edition, Wadsworth, 2013). While his research specialization is in the field of nationalism and Asian revolutions, his intellectual interests are considerably more diverse. He has traveled widely and has taught courses on the his- tory of communism and non-Western civilizations at Penn State, where he was awarded a Faculty Scholar Medal for Outstanding Achievement in the spring of 1996.

TO JULES F. DIEBENOW (1929–2013), INVETERATE FELLOW TRAVELER, MENTOR, AND FRIEND.

W.J.D.

B R I E F C O N T E N T S

DOCUMENTS XIII

MAPS XIV

FEATURES XV

PREFACE XVI

I NEW WORLD IN THE MAKING 1 1 THE RISE OF INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY IN THE WEST 2

2 THE HIGH TIDE OF IMPERIALISM: AFRICA AND ASIA IN AN ERA OF WESTERN DOMINANCE 25

3 SHADOWS OVER THE PACIFIC: EAST ASIA UNDER CHALLENGE 47

II CULTURES IN COLLISION 69 4 WAR AND REVOLUTION: WORLD WAR I AND ITS

AFTERMATH 70

5 NATIONALISM, REVOLUTION, AND DICTATORSHIP: ASIA, THE MIDDLE EAST, AND LATIN AMERICA FROM 1919 TO 1939 94

6 THE CRISIS DEEPENS: THE OUTBREAK OF WORLD WAR II 121

III ACROSS THE IDEOLOGICAL DIVIDE 147

7 EAST AND WEST IN THE GRIP OF THE COLD WAR 148

8 THE UNITED STATES, CANADA, AND LATIN AMERICA 169

9 BRAVE NEW WORLD: THE RISE AND FALL OF COMMUNISM IN THE SOVIET UNION AND EASTERN EUROPE 190

10 POSTWAR EUROPE: ON THE PATH TO UNITY? 210

11 TOWARD THE PACIFIC CENTURY? JAPAN AND THE LITTLE TIGERS 231

IV THIRD WORLD RISING 251 12 THE EAST IS RED: CHINA UNDER COMMUNISM 252

13 NATIONALISM TRIUMPHANT: THE EMERGENCE OF INDEPENDENT STATES IN SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIA 271

14 EMERGING AFRICA 291

15 FERMENT IN THE MIDDLE EAST 308

V THE NEW MILLENNIUM 329 16 THE CHALLENGE OF A NEW MILLENNIUM 330

GLOSSARY 343

INDEX 348

D E T A I L E D C O N T E N T S

DOCUMENTS XIII

MAPS XIV

FEATURES XV

PREFACE XVI

PART I NEW WORLD IN THE MAKING 1

1 THE RISE OF INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY IN THE WEST 2

The Industrial Revolution in Great Britain 2

The Spread of the Industrial Revolution 3 New Products and New Patterns 4

The Emergence of a Mass Society 6 Social Structures 6 Changing Roles for Women 7

Reaction and Revolution: The Decline of the Old Order 9

Liberalism and Nationalism 9 The Unification of Germany and Italy 11 Roots of Revolution in Russia 12 The Ottoman Empire and Nationalism in

the Balkans 13

Liberalism Triumphant 14 The United States and Canada 14 Tradition and Change in Latin America 15

The Rise of the Socialist Movement 17 The Rise of Marxism 17 Capitalism in Transition 19

Toward the Modern Consciousness: Intellectual and Cultural Developments 19

Developments in the Sciences: The Emergence of a New Physics 19

Charles Darwin and the Theory of Evolution 20 Sigmund Freud and the Emergence of

Psychoanalysis 20 Literature and the Arts: The Culture of

Modernity 20 Conclusion 23

Chapter Notes 24

2 THE HIGH TIDE OF IMPERIALISM: AFRICA AND ASIA IN AN ERA OF WESTERN DOMINANCE 25

The Spread of Colonial Rule 25 The Myth of European Superiority 26 The Advent of Western Imperialism 26

The Colonial System 27 The Philosophy of Colonialism 28 OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS WHITE MAN’S BURDEN, BLACK MAN’S SORROW 29

India Under the British Raj 30 The Nature of British Rule 31

The Colonial Takeover of Southeast Asia 33 The Imposition of Colonial Rule 33 Colonial Regimes in Southeast Asia 34

Empire Building in Africa 36 Africa Before the Europeans 37 The Growing European Presence in West Africa 37 Imperialist Shadow over the Nile 39 The Scramble for Africa 39 FILM & HISTORY KHARTOUM (1966) 40 Bantus, Boers, and British in South Africa 42 Colonialism in Africa 43

Conclusion 44

Chapter Notes 46

3 SHADOWS OVER THE PACIFIC: EAST ASIA UNDER CHALLENGE 47

China at Its Apex 47 Changeless China? 48

Traditional China in Decline 50 Opium and Rebellion 50 The Taiping Rebellion 51 Efforts at Reform 51 The Climax of Imperialism in China 52 The Collapse of the Old Order 54

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Chinese Society in Transition 56 The Impact of Western Imperialism 57 Daily Life in Qing China 57 Changing Roles for Women 57

Traditional Japan and the End of Isolation 58 A “Closed Country” 59 The Opening of Japan 59

Rich Country, Strong Army 60 The Transformation of Japanese Politics 60 Meiji Economics 60 Building a Modern Social Structure 61 Joining the Imperialist Club 62 OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS TWO VIEWS OF THE WORLD 63 Japanese Culture in Transition 64

Conclusion 65

Chapter Notes 65

Reflections Part I 66

PART II CULTURES IN COLLISION 69 4 WAR AND REVOLUTION: WORLD WAR I AND

ITS AFTERMATH 70

The Coming of War 70 Rising Tensions in Europe 71 Crisis in the Balkans, 1908–1913 71 The Outbreak of War 72

The World at War 72 Illusions and Stalemate, 1914–1915 72 The Great Slaughter, 1916–1917 72 OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS “YOU HAVE TO BEAR THE RESPONSIBILITY FOR WAR OR PEACE” 73 The Widening of the War 75 OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS THE EXCITEMENT AND THE REALITY OF WAR 76 The Home Front: The Impact of Total War 77 The Last Year of the War 77 FILM & HISTORY LAWRENCE OF ARABIA (1962) 78

Seeking Eternal Peace 79 The Vision of Woodrow Wilson 79 The Peace Settlement 80

Revolution in Russia 80 The March Revolution 81 The Bolshevik Revolution 82 The Civil War 84

The Failure of the Peace 85 The Search for Security 85 A Return to Normalcy? 86 The Great Depression 87 Building Socialism in Soviet Russia 89

The Search for a New Reality in the Arts 90 New Schools of Artistic Expression 91 Culture for the Masses 92

Conclusion 92

Chapter Notes 93

5 NATIONALISM, REVOLUTION, AND DICTATORSHIP: ASIA, THE MIDDLE EAST, AND LATIN AMERICA FROM 1919 TO 1939 94

The Spread of Nationalism in Asia and Africa 95 Traditional Resistance: A Precursor to Nationalism 95 Modern Nationalism 96 Gandhi and the Indian National Congress 98 FILM & HISTORY GANDHI (1982) 100 Nationalist Ferment in the Middle East 100 OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS ISLAM IN THE MODERN WORLD: TWO VIEWS 104 Nationalism and Revolution 106

Revolution in China 108 Mr. Science and Mr. Democracy: The New Culture

Movement 108 The Nanjing Republic 110 Social Change in Republican China 113

Japan Between the Wars 113 Experiment in Democracy 113 A Zaibatsu Economy 114 Shidehara Diplomacy 114

Nationalism and Dictatorship in Latin America 115 A Changing Economy 115 The Effects of Dependency 116 Latin American Culture 118

Conclusion 119

Chapter Notes 120

6 THE CRISIS DEEPENS: THE OUTBREAK OF WORLD WAR II 121

The Rise of Dictatorial Regimes 121 The Birth of Fascism 122 Hitler and Nazi Germany 122 The Spread of Authoritarianism in Europe 124 The Rise of Militarism in Japan 125

viii DETAILED CONTENTS

The Path to War in Europe 126 Stalin Seeks a United Front 126 Decision at Munich 127 OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS THE MUNICH CONFERENCE 128

The Path to War in Asia 129 A Monroe Doctrine for Asia 129 Tokyo’s “Southern Strategy” 130

The World at War 130 The War in Europe 131 The New Order in Europe 133 War Spreads in Asia 134 The New Order in Asia 135 The Turning Point of the War, 1942–1943 137 The Last Years of the War 138

The Peace Settlement in Europe 139 The Yalta Agreement 139 Confrontation at Potsdam 140 The War in the Pacific Ends 140 FILM & HISTORY LETTERS FROM IWO JIMA (2006) 141

Conclusion 142

Chapter Notes 143

Reflections Part II 144

PART III ACROSS THE IDEOLOGICAL DIVIDE 147

7 EAST AND WEST IN THE GRIP OF THE COLD WAR 148

The Collapse of the Grand Alliance 148 The Iron Curtain Descends 149 The Truman Doctrine and the Beginnings of

Containment 149 Europe Divided 150

Cold War in Asia 154 The Chinese Civil War 154 The New China 156 The Korean War 156 Conflict in Indochina 157

From Confrontation to Coexistence 158 Khrushchev and the Era of Peaceful

Coexistence 158 The Cuban Missile Crisis 160 The Sino-Soviet Dispute 160 FILM & HISTORY THE MISSILES OF OCTOBER (1973) 161

The Second Indochina War 161 OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS CONFRONTATION IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 163

An Era of Equivalence 165 An End to D�etente? 165 Countering the Evil Empire 166 Toward a New World Order 166

Conclusion 167

Chapter Notes 168

8 THE UNITED STATES, CANADA, AND LATIN AMERICA 169

The United States Since 1945 169 An Era of Prosperity and Social Commitment 169 America Shifts to the Right 171 Seizing the Political Center 173

The Changing Face of American Society 175 A Consumer Society, a Permissive Society 176 The Melting Pot in Action 176 Women and Society 176 The Environment 177 Science and Technology 178

The World of Culture 179 Art and Architecture 179 New Concepts in Music 179 New Trends in Literature 179 Popular Culture 180

Canada: In the Shadow of Goliath 180

Democracy, Dictatorship, and Development in Latin America Since 1945 181

An Era of Dependency 182 Nationalism and the Military: The Examples of

Argentina and Brazil 183 The Mexican Way 185 The Leftist Variant 186 Trends in Latin American Culture 187

Conclusion 188

Chapter Notes 189

9 BRAVE NEW WORLD: THE RISE AND FALL OF COMMUNISM IN THE SOVIET UNION AND EASTERN EUROPE 190

The Postwar Soviet Union 190 From Stalin to Khrushchev 190 The Brezhnev Years, 1964–1982 193

DETAILED CONTENTS ix

Ferment in Eastern Europe 197 Unrest in Poland 198 The Hungarian Uprising 198 The Prague Spring 199 The Persistence of Stalinism in

East Germany 199

Culture and Society in the Soviet Bloc 200 Cultural Expression 200 Social Changes in Eastern Europe 202 Women in the Soviet Bloc 202

The Disintegration of the Soviet Empire 203 The Gorbachev Era 203 Eastern Europe: From Soviet Satellites to Sovereign

Nations 203 End of Empire 204 The New Russia: From Empire to Nation 205

Conclusion 208

Chapter Notes 209

10 POSTWAR EUROPE: ON THE PATH TO UNITY? 210

Western Europe: Recovery and Renewal 210 The Triumph of Democracy in Postwar Europe 211

The Modern Welfare State: Three European Models 211

France 211 Germany: Across the Cold War Divide 214 Great Britain 215 FILM & HISTORY THE LIVES OF OTHERS (2006) 216 The Fall of the Iron Curtain 219

Western Europe: The Search for Unity 221 The Curtain Rises: The Creation of the Common

Market 222 The European Union 222 Plans for Expansion: A Bridge Too Far? 222 Beware of Greeks Seeking Gifts 224

Aspects of Society in Postwar Europe 224 An Age of Affluence 225 A Transvaluation of Values 226 Expanding Roles for Women 226 The Environment 227

Aspects of Culture in Postwar Europe 228 Postwar Literature 228 Music and the Arts 229

Conclusion 230

Chapter Note 230

11 TOWARD THE PACIFIC CENTURY? JAPAN AND THE LITTLE TIGERS 231

Japan: Asian Giant 231 The Occupation Era 232 The Transformation of Modern Japan: Politics and

Government 232 The Economy 234 A Society in Transition 236 Religion and Culture 239 The Japanese Difference 239

Taiwan: The Other China 239 Taiwan Under Nationalist Rule 240 Crafting a Taiwanese Identity 241

South Korea: A Peninsula Divided 242 The Korean Model 242 South Korea: The Little Tiger with Sharp Teeth 243

Singapore and Hong Kong: The Littlest Tigers 243

On the Margins of Asia: Postwar Australia and New Zealand 245 Conclusion 246

Chapter Notes 247

Reflections Part III 248

PART IV THIRD WORLD RISING 251 12 THE EAST IS RED: CHINA UNDER

COMMUNISM 252

China Under Mao Zedong 252 New Democracy 252 The Transition to Socialism 253 The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution 255 FILM & HISTORY THE LAST EMPEROR (1987) 256

From Mao to Deng 257 The Four Modernizations 257 Incident at Tiananmen Square 258 Back to Confucius? 258 OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS STUDENTS APPEAL FOR DEMOCRACY 259

Serve the People: Chinese Society Under Communism 261

The Politics of the Mass Line 261 Economics in Command 262 Evaluating the Four Modernizations 264 Chinese Society in Flux 265

x DETAILED CONTENTS

China’s Changing Culture 268 Culture in a Revolutionary Era 268 Art and Architecture 268 Literature 269

Conclusion 269

Chapter Notes 270

13 NATIONALISM TRIUMPHANT: THE EMERGENCE OF INDEPENDENT STATES IN SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIA 271

South Asia 271 The End of the British Raj 272 Independent India 272 OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS TWO VISIONS FOR INDIA 273 The Land of the Pure: Pakistan Since

Independence 275 Poverty and Pluralism in South Asia 276 South Asian Art and Literature Since

Independence 280 What Is the Future of India? 280

Southeast Asia 281 The End of the Colonial Era 282 In the Shadow of the Cold War 282 On the Road to Political Reform 284 FILM & HISTORY THE YEAR OF LIVING DANGEROUSLY (1983) 285 Regional Conflict and Cooperation: The Rise of

ASEAN 287 Daily Life: Town and Country in Contemporary

Southeast Asia 288 Cultural Trends 289

Conclusion 290

Chapter Notes 290

14 EMERGING AFRICA 291 Uhuru: The Struggle for Independence in Africa 291

The Colonial Legacy 292 The Rise of Nationalism 292

The Era of Independence 294 The Destiny of Africa: Unity or Diversity? 294 Dream and Reality: Political and Economic Conditions in

Independent Africa 294 The Search for Solutions 296 Africa: A Continent in Flux 300

Continuity and Change in Modern African Societies 301 Education 301

Urban and Rural Life 302 African Women 302 African Culture 303 OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS AFRICA: DARK CONTINENT OR RADIANT LAND? 305

Conclusion 306

Chapter Notes 307

15 FERMENT IN THE MIDDLE EAST 308 Crescent of Conflict 308

The Question of Palestine 309 Nasser and Pan-Arabism 309 The Arab-Israeli Dispute 311 Revolution in Iran 313 FILM & HISTORY PERSEPOLIS (2007) 315 Crisis in the Persian Gulf 315 Revolution in the Middle East 317

Society and Culture in the Contemporary Middle East 319

Varieties of Government: The Politics of Islam 319 The Economics of the Middle East: Oil and Sand 320 The Islamic Revival 322 Women in the Middle East 323 Literature and Art 324

Conclusion 325

Chapter Notes 326

Reflections Part IV 327

PART V THE NEW MILLENNIUM 329 16 THE CHALLENGE OF A NEW

MILLENNIUM 330

After the Cold War: The End of History? 331

Contemporary Capitalism and Its Discontents 331 Europe: Speed Bumps on the Road to Unity? 331 The United States: Capitalism Ascendant? 331 Asian Miracle or Asian Myth? 332 Eliminating World Poverty 332 From the Industrial to the Technological

Revolution 333

A Transvaluation of Values 334 The Family 334 Religion 334 Technology and Society 335 The Impact of Capitalism 336

DETAILED CONTENTS xi

One World, One Environment 336 Facing the Issue of Global Warming 337 The Population Debate 338

Global Village or Clash of Civilizations? 338 The Future of Liberal Democracy 339 Civilizations at War 339 Globalization: The Pros and the Cons 340

The Arts: Mirror of the Age 341 Chapter Notes 342

GLOSSARY 343

INDEX 348

xii DETAILED CONTENTS

D O C U M E N T S

C H A P T E R 1

DISCIPLINE IN THE NEW FACTORIES 8

ESCAPING THE DOLL’S HOUSE 10

THE CLASSLESS SOCIETY 18

THE THEORY OF EVOLUTION 21

C H A P T E R 2

INDIAN IN BLOOD, ENGLISH IN TASTE AND INTELLECT 32

TRAGEDY AT CAFFARD COVE 38

C H A P T E R 3

AN APPEAL FOR CHANGE IN CHINA 52

PROGRAM FOR A NEW CHINA 56

C H A P T E R 4

ALL POWER TO THE SOVIETS! 83

C H A P T E R 5

THE DILEMMA OF THE INTELLECTUAL 97

A CALL FOR REVOLT 111

C H A P T E R 6

JAPAN’S PLAN FOR ASIA 136

C H A P T E R 7

THE TRUMAN DOCTRINE 151

A PLEA FOR PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE 162

C H A P T E R 8

“I HAVE A DREAM” 172

C H A P T E R 9

KHRUSHCHEV DENOUNCES STALIN 194

THE RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF SOVIET CITIZENS 196

THE BREZHNEV DOCTRINE 200

C H A P T E R 1 0

THE TRABI LIVES! 217

MARGARET THATCHER: ENTERING A MAN’S WORLD 218

TOWARD A UNITED EUROPE 223

C H A P T E R 1 1

GROWING UP IN JAPAN 238

RETURN TO THE MOTHERLAND 246

C H A P T E R 1 2

LAND REFORM IN ACTION 254

LOVE AND MARRIAGE IN CHINA 266

C H A P T E R 1 3

SAY NO TO MCDONALD’S AND KFC! 278

THE GOLDEN THROAT OF PRESIDENT SUKARNO 284

C H A P T E R 1 4

STEALING THE NATION’S RICHES 295

MEETING THE CHALLENGES OF INDEPENDENCE 298

C H A P T E R 1 5

THE ARAB CASE FOR PALESTINE 310

I ACCUSE! 318

ISLAM AND DEMOCRACY 321

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M A P S

MAP 1.1 The Industrial Regions of Europe at the End of the Nineteenth Century 4

MAP 1.2 Europe in 1871 12

MAP 2.1 India Under British Rule, 1805–1931 31

MAP 2.2 Colonial Southeast Asia 34

SPOT MAP The Spread of Islam in Africa 37

SPOT MAP The Suez Canal 39

MAP 2.3 Africa in 1914 41

MAP 2.4 The Struggle for Southern Africa 42

MAP 3.1 The Qing Empire 48

SPOT MAP Area Under Taiping Rebellion Control 51

MAP 3.2 Foreign Possessions and Spheres of Influence About 1900 54

MAP 3.3 Japanese Overseas Expansion During the Meiji Era 62

MAP 4.1 Europe in 1914 71

MAP 4.2 World War I, 1914–1918 74

MAP 4.3 Territorial Changes in Europe and the Middle East After World War I 81

SPOT MAP British India Between the Wars 98

SPOT MAP The Middle East in 1923 101

MAP 5.1 The Northern Expedition and the Long March 110

MAP 5.2 Latin America in the First Half of the Twentieth Century 117

SPOT MAP Central Europe in 1939 127

SPOT MAP Japanese Advances into China, 1931–1939 129

MAP 6.1 World War II in Europe and North Africa 132

MAP 6.2 World War II in Asia and the Pacific 135

SPOT MAP Eastern Europe in 1948 149

MAP 7.1 The New European Alliance Systems During the Cold War 153

MAP 7.2 The Chinese Civil War 155

SPOT MAP The Korean Peninsula 157

SPOT MAP Indochina After 1954 158

MAP 7.3 The Global Cold War 159

SPOT MAP South America 181

MAP 9.1 The Soviet Union 191

MAP 9.2 Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union 205

MAP 10.1 Territorial Changes in Europe After World War II 212

MAP 10.2 European Union, 2013 220

MAP 11.1 Modern Japan 233

SPOT MAP Modern Taiwan 239

SPOT MAP The Korean Peninsula Since 1953 242

SPOT MAP The Republic of Singapore 244

SPOT MAP Hong Kong 245

MAP 12.1 The People’s Republic of China 260

MAP 13.1 Contemporary South Asia 274

MAP 13.2 Contemporary Southeast Asia 283

MAP 14.1 Contemporary Africa 293

MAP 15.1 Israel and Its Neighbors 312

SPOT MAP Iran 313

MAP 15.2 The Modern Middle East 316

SPOT MAP Afghanistan 317

SPOT MAP Iraq 317

xiv

F E A T U R E S

FILM & HISTORY Khartoum (1966) 40

Lawrence of Arabia (1962) 78

Gandhi (1982) 100

Letters from Iwo Jima (2006) 141

The Missiles of October (1973) 161

The Lives of Others (2006) 216

The Last Emperor (1987) 256

The Year of Living Dangerously (1983) 285

Persepolis (2007) 315

OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS White Man’s Burden, Black Man’s Sorrow 29

Two Views of the World 63

“You Have to Bear the Responsibility for War or Peace” 73

The Excitement and the Reality of War 76

Islam in the Modern World: Two Views 104

The Munich Conference 128

Confrontation in Southeast Asia 163

Students Appeal for Democracy 259

Two Visions for India 273

Africa: Dark Continent or Radiant Land? 305

P R E F A C E

THE TWENTIETH CENTURY was an era of paradox. When it began, Western civilization was an emerging powerhouse that bestrode the world like a colossus. Inter- nally, however, the continent of Europe was a patchwork of squabbling states that within a period of less than three decades engaged in two bitter internecine wars that threat- ened to obliterate two centuries of human progress. As the century came to an end, the Western world had become prosperous and increasingly united, yet there were clear signs that global economic and political hegemony was be- ginning to shift to the East. In the minds of many observ- ers, the era of Western dominance had come to a close.

In other ways as well, the twentieth century was marked by countervailing trends. While parts of the world experienced rapid industrial growth and increasing eco- nomic prosperity, other regions were still mired in abject poverty. The century’s final decades were characterized by a growing awareness of not only global interdepen- dence, but also burgeoning ethnic and national conscious- ness; the period witnessed both the rising power of science and fervent religiosity and growing doubts about the impact of technology on the human experience. As the closing chapters of this book indicate, these trends have continued and even intensified in the decade that has ensued since the advent of the new millennium.

Contemporary World History (formerly titled Twentieth- Century World History) attempts to chronicle the key events in this revolutionary century and its aftermath while seeking to throw light on some of the underlying issues that shaped the times. Did the beginning of a new millennium indeed mark the end of the long period of Western dominance? If so, will recent decades of Euro- pean and American superiority be followed by a “Pacific century,” with economic and political power shifting to the nations of eastern Asia? Will the end of the Cold War eventually lead to a “new world order” marked by global cooperation, or are we now entering an unstable era of ethnic and national conflict? Why has a time of unparal- leled prosperity and technological advance been accompa- nied by deep pockets of poverty and widespread doubts about the role of government and the capabilities of human reason? Although this book does not promise final answers to such questions, it seeks to provide a frame- work for analysis and a better understanding of some of the salient issues of modern times.

Any author who seeks to encompass in a single vol- ume the history of our turbulent times faces some impor- tant choices. First, should the book be arranged in strict chronological order, or should separate chapters focus on individual cultures and societies in order to place greater emphasis on the course of events taking place in different regions of the world? In this book, I have sought to achieve a balance between a global and a regional approach. I accept the commonplace observation that the world we live in is increasingly interdependent in terms of economics as well as culture and communications. Yet the inescapable reality is that this process of globalization is at best a work in progress, as ethnic, religious, and re- gional differences continue to proliferate and to shape the course of our times. To many observers around the world, the oft-predicted inevitable victory of the demo- cratic capitalist way of life is by no means a preordained vision of the future of the human experience. In fact, in- fluential figures in many countries, from China to Russia and the Middle East, emphatically deny that the forces of globalization will inevitably lead to the worldwide adop- tion of the Western model.

This issue has practical observations as well. College students today are often not well informed about the dis- tinctive character of civilizations such as China, India, and sub-Saharan Africa. Without sufficient exposure to the his- torical evolution of such societies, students will assume all too readily that the peoples in these countries have had historical experiences similar to their own and react to various stimuli in a fashion similar to those living in west- ern Europe or the United States. If it is a mistake to ignore the forces that link us together, it is equally errone- ous to underestimate the factors that divide us.

Balancing the global and regional perspectives means that some chapters focus on issues that have a global impact, such as the Industrial Revolution, the era of impe- rialism, and the two world wars. Others center on individ- ual regions of the world, while singling out contrasts and comparisons that link them to the broader world commu- nity. The book is divided into five parts. The first four parts are each followed by a short section labeled “Reflections,” which attempts to link events in a broad comparative and global framework. The chapter in the fifth and final part examines some of the common prob- lems of our time—including environmental pollution, the

xvi

population explosion, and spiritual malaise—and takes a cautious look into the future to explore how such issues will evolve in the twenty-first century.

Another issue that has recently attracted widespread discussion and debate among historians is how to balance the treatment of Western civilization with other parts of the world. The modern world has traditionally been viewed essentially as the history of Europe and the United States, with other regions treated as mere appendages of the industrial countries. It is certainly true that much of the twentieth century was dominated by events that were initiated in Europe and North America, and in recognition of this fact, the opening chapters in this book focus on the Industrial Revolution and the age of imperialism, both issues related to the rise of the West in the modern world. In recent decades, however, other parts of the world have assumed greater importance, thus restoring a global balance that had existed prior to the scientific and techno- logical revolution that transformed the West in the eigh- teenth and nineteenth centuries. Later chapters examine this phenomenon in more detail, according to regions such as Africa, Asia, and Latin America the importance that they merit today.

In sum, this sixth edition of Contemporary World History seeks to present a balanced treatment of the most impor- tant political, economic, social, and cultural events of the modern era within an integrated and chronologically or- dered synthesis. In my judgment, a strong narrative, link- ing key issues in a broad interpretive framework, is still the most effective way to present the story of the past to young minds.

To supplement the text, I have included a number of boxed documents that illustrate key issues within each chapter. A new feature, Opposing Viewpoints, presents a comparison of two or more primary sources to facilitate stu- dent analysis of historical documents, including examples such as “Islam in the Modern World: Two Views” (Chapter 5), “Two Visions for India” (Chapter 13), and “Africa: Dark Continent or Radiant Land?” (Chapter 14). Film & History features present a brief analysis of the plot as well as the his- torical significance, value, and accuracy of nine films, includ- ing such movies as Khartoum (1966), Gandhi (1982), The Last Emperor (1987), The Lives of Others (2006), and Persepolis (2007). Extensive maps and illustrations, each positioned at the appropriate place in the chapter, serve to deepen the reader’s understanding of the text. “Spot maps” provide details not visible in the larger maps. Suggested Readings, now available on the companion website, review the most recent literature on each period while referring also to some of the older “classic” works in the field.

The following supplements are available to accompany this text.

Instructor Resources Online PowerLecture with CogneroVR [ISBN: 9781285458212] This PowerLecture is an all-in-one online multimedia resource for class preparation, presenta- tion, and testing. It is accessible through Cengage.com/ login with your faculty account. There you will find avail- able for download: book-specific MicrosoftVR PowerPointVR presentations; a Test Bank in both MicrosoftVR WordVR and CogneroVR formats; an Instructor’s Manual; MicrosoftVR PowerPointVR Image Slides; and a JPEG Image Library.

The Test Bank, offered in MicrosoftVR WordVR and CogneroVR formats, contains multiple-choice and essay questions for each chapter. CogneroVR is a flexible online system that allows you to author, edit, and manage test bank content for Contemporary World History, 6e. Create multiple test versions instantly and deliver through your LMS from your classroom, or wherever you may be, with no special installs or downloads required.

The Instructor’s Manual contains the following for each chapter: an outline, discussion questions, learning objectives, lecture launching suggestions, suggested stu- dent projects, essay topics, and Web resources.

The MicrosoftVR PowerPointVR presentations are ready- to-use, visual outlines of each chapter. These presenta- tions are easily customized for your lectures and offered along with chapter-specific MicrosoftVR PowerPointVR Image Slides and JPEG Image Libraries. Access your Online PowerLecture at www.cengage.com/login.

Companion Site [ISBN: 9781285458229] This web- site for instructors features all of the free student assets, plus an Instructor’s Resource Manual (instructional objec- tives, chapter outlines, discussion questions, suggested lec- ture topics, suggested paper topics, and related Internet resources) and PowerPointVR presentations (lecture out- lines, images, and maps).

CourseReader CourseReader is an online collection of primary and secondary sources that lets you create a cus- tomized electronic reader in minutes. With an easy-to-use interface and assessment tool, you can choose exactly what your students will be assigned—simply search or browse Cengage Learning’s extensive document database to pre- view and select your customized collection of readings. In addition to print sources of all types (letters, diary entries, speeches, newspaper accounts, etc.), the collection includes a growing number of images and video and audio clips.

Each primary source document includes a descriptive headnote that puts the reading into context and is further supported by both critical thinking and multiple-choice questions designed to reinforce key points. For more in- formation visit www.cengage.com/coursereader.

PREFACE xvii

Cengagebrain.com Save your students time and money. Direct them to www.cengagebrain.com for a choice in formats and savings and a better chance to suc- ceed in your class. Cengagebrain.com, Cengage Learning’s online store, is a single destination for more than 10,000 new textbooks, eTextbooks, eChapters, study tools, and audio supplements. Students have the freedom to pur- chase �a la carte exactly what they need when they need it. Students can save 50 percent on the electronic text- book and can pay as little as $1.99 for an individual eChapter.

Student Resources Book Companion Site [ISBN: 9781285458229] This website provides a variety of resources to help you review for class. These study tools include a glossary, crossword puzzles, short quizzes, essay questions, critical thinking questions, and primary sources.

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The History Handbook, 2e [ISBN: 9780495906766] Prepared by Carol Berkin of Baruch College, City University of New York, and Betty Ander- son of Boston University. This book teaches students both basic and history-specific study skills such as how to take notes, get the most out of lectures and readings, read pri- mary sources, research historical topics, and correctly cite sources. Substantially less expensive than comparable skill-building texts, The History Handbook also offers tips for Internet research and evaluating online sources.

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The Modern Researcher, 6e [ISBN: 9780495318705] Prepared by Jacques Barzun and Henry F. Graff of Columbia University. This classic intro- duction to the techniques of research and the art of expression is used widely in history courses, but is also appropriate for writing and research methods courses in other departments. Barzun and Graff thoroughly cover ev- ery aspect of research, from the selection of a topic through the gathering, analysis, writing, revision, and publication of findings. They present the process not as a set of rules but through actual cases that put the subtleties of research in a useful context. Part One covers the princi- ples and methods of research; Part Two covers writing, speaking, and getting one’s work published.

Rand McNally Historical Atlas of the World, 2e [ISBN: 9780618841912] This valuable resource fea- tures more than seventy maps that portray the rich pano- ply of the world’s history from preliterate times to the present. They show how cultures and civilization were linked and how they interacted. The maps make it clear that history is not static. Rather, it is about change and movement across time. The maps show change by pre- senting the dynamics of expansion, cooperation, and con- flict. This atlas includes maps showing the world from the beginning of civilization; the political development of all major areas of the world; extensive coverage of Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East; the current Islamic world; and the world population change in 1900 and 2000.

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xviii PREFACE

Cengage Learning representative to explore custom solu- tions for your course.

Acknowledgments I would like to express my appreciation to the reviewers who have read individual chapters and provided useful suggestions for improvement on this edition: Marjorie Berman, Red Rocks Community College; Elizabeth Clark, West Texas A&M University; Margaret B. Denning, Slip- pery Rock University; Hayley Froysland, Indiana Univer- sity, South Bend; Irwin Halfond, McKendree University; Eduardo Magalhaes, Simpson College; and Jeffrey Martin- son, Meredith College.

Jackson Spielvogel, coauthor of our textbook World His- tory, was kind enough to permit me to use some of his sec- tions in that book for the purposes of writing this one. Several of my other colleagues at Penn State—including Kumkum Chatterjee, E-tu Zen Sun, On-cho Ng, and Arthur F. Goldschmidt—have provided me with valuable assistance in understanding parts of the world that are beyond my own area of concentration. Ian Bell, Carol Cof- fin, Ruth Petzold, and my daughter Claire L. Duiker have

provided useful illustrations, while Dale and Jan Peterson have been stimulating travel companions and a steady source of useful books and news items. I have also bene- fited from Nan Johnson’s broad understanding of the growth of the women’s movement in the United States. To Clark Baxter, whose unfailing good humor, patience, and sage advice have so often eased the trauma of text- book publishing, I offer my heartfelt thanks. I am also grateful to Brooke Barbier, product manager, Margaret McAndrew Beasley, senior development editor, and Jane Lee, senior content project manager, for their assistance in bringing this project to fruition, and to John Orr of Orr Book Services, Chris Schoedel of Cenveo Publisher Ser- vices, and Pat Lewis, copyeditor, for production services.

Finally, I am eternally grateful to my wife, Yvonne V. Duiker, Ph.D. Her research and her written contributions on art, architecture, literature, and music have added spar- kle to this book. Her presence at my side has added immeasurable sparkle to my life.

William J. Duiker The Pennsylvania State University

PREFACE xix

P A R TP A R T I

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C H A P T E R

The Rise of Industrial Society in the West

THE TWENTIETH CENTURY was a turbulent era, marked by two violent global conflicts, a bitter ideological struggle between two dominant world powers, explosive developments in the realm of science, and dramatic social change. When the century began, the vast majority of the world’s peoples lived on farms, and the horse was still the most common means of transportation. By its end, human beings had trod on the moon and lived in a world increasingly defined by urban sprawl and modern technology.

What had happened to bring about these momentous changes? Although a world as complex as ours cannot be assigned a single cause, a good candidate for consideration is the Industrial Revolution, which began on the British Isles at the end of the eighteenth century and spread steadily throughout the world during the next two hundred years. The Industrial Revolution was unquestionably one of the most important factors in laying the foundation of the modern world. It not only transformed the economic means of production and distribution, but also altered the political systems, the social institutions and values, and the intellectual and cultural life of all the societies that it touched. The impact has been both massive and controversial. While proponents have stressed the enormous material and technological benefits that industrialization has brought, critics have pointed out the high costs involved, from growing economic inequality and environmental pollution to the dehumanization of everyday life. Already in the nineteenth century, the German philosopher Karl Marx charged that factory labor had reduced workers to a mere

“appendage of the machine,” and the English novelist Charles Dickens wrote about an urban environment of factories, smoke, and ashes that seemed an apparition from Dante’s Hell.

C R I T I C A L T H I N K I N G

Q What factors appear to explain why GreatBritain was the first nation to enter the industrial age?

The Industrial Revolution in Great Britain Why the Industrial Revolution occurred first in Great Brit- ain rather than in another part of the world has been a subject for debate among historians for many decades. Some observers point to cultural factors, such as the Prot- estant “work ethic” that predisposed British citizens to risk taking and the belief that material rewards in this world were a sign of heavenly salvation to come.

Others point out more tangible factors that contributed to the rapid transformation of eighteenth-century British society from a predominantly agricultural to an industrial and commercial economy. First, improvements in agricul- ture during the eighteenth century had led to a significant increase in food production. British agriculture could now feed more people at lower prices with less labor; even

Sheffield became one of England’s greatest manufacturing cities during the nineteenth century.

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ordinary British families no longer had to use most of their income to buy food, giving them the potential to purchase manufactured goods. At the same time, a rapidly growing population in the second half of the eighteenth century provided a pool of surplus labor for the new fac- tories of the emerging British industrial sector.

Another factor that played a role in promoting the Industrial Revolution in Great Britain was the rapid increase in national wealth. Two centuries of expanding trade had provided Britain with a ready supply of capital for investment in the new industrial machines and the fac- tories that were required to house them. As the historian Kenneth Pomeranz has recently pointed out, it was the country’s access to cheap materials from other parts of the world—notably from Asia and the Americas—that pro- vided the assets that fueled Britain’s entrance into the industrial age (see Chapter 2).1

In addition to profits from trade, Britain possessed an effective central bank and well-developed, flexible credit facilities. Many early factory owners were merchants and entrepreneurs who had profited from the eighteenth- century cottage industry. The country also possessed what might today be described as a “modernization elite”—individuals who were interested in making profits if the opportunity presented itself. In that objective, they were generally supported by the government.

Moreover, Britain was richly supplied with important mineral resources, such as coal and iron ore, needed in the manufacturing process. Britain was also a small coun- try and the relatively short distances made transportation facilities readily accessible. In addition to nature’s provi- sion of abundant rivers, from the mid-seventeenth century onward, both private and public investment poured into the construction of new roads, bridges, and canals. By 1780, roads, rivers, and canals linked the major industrial centers of the north, the Midlands, London, and the Atlan- tic coast.

During the last decades of the eighteenth century, tech- nological innovations, including the flying shuttle, the spin- ning jenny, and the power loom, led to a significant increase in textile production. The cotton textile industry—fueled by the import of cheap cotton fibers from Britain’s growing empire in South Asia—achieved even greater heights of pro- ductivity with the invention of the steam engine, which proved invaluable to Britain’s Industrial Revolution. The steam engine was a tireless source of power and depended for fuel on a substance—namely, coal—that seemed then to be available in unlimited quantities. The success of the steam engine increased the demand for coal and led to an expansion in coal production. In turn, new processes using coal furthered the development of an iron industry, the pro- duction of machinery, and the invention of the railroad.

The Spread of the Industrial Revolution By the turn of the nineteenth century, industrialization had begun to spread to the continent of Europe, where it took a different path than had been followed in Great Britain (see Map 1.1). Governments on the Continent were accustomed to playing a major role in economic affairs and continued to do so as the Industrial Revolution got under way, subsidiz- ing inventors, providing incentives to factory owners, and improving the transportation network. By 1850, a network of iron rails (described by the French novelist �Emile Zola as a “monstrous great steel skeleton”) had spread across much of western and central Europe, while water routes were improved by the deepening and widening of rivers and canals.

Across the Atlantic Ocean, the United States experienced the first stages of its industrial revolution in the first half of the nineteenth century. In 1800, America was still a pre- dominantly agrarian society, as six out of every seven work- ers were farmers. Sixty years later, only half of all workers were farmers, while the total population had grown from 5 to 30 million people, larger than Great Britain itself.

The initial application of machinery to production was accomplished by borrowing from Great Britain. Soon, however, Americans began to equal or surpass British tech- nical achievements. The Harpers Ferry arsenal, for exam- ple, built muskets with interchangeable parts. Because all the individual parts of a musket were identical (for exam- ple, all triggers were the same), the final product could be put together quickly and easily; this innovation enabled Americans to avoid the more costly system in which skilled craftsmen fitted together individual parts made separately. The so-called American system reduced costs and revolu- tionized production by saving labor, an important consid- eration in a society that had few skilled artisans.

Unlike Britain, the United States was a large country, and the lack of a good system of internal transportation ini- tially seemed to limit American economic development by making the transport of goods prohibitively expensive. This difficulty was gradually remedied, however. Thousands of miles of roads and canals were built linking east and west. The steamboat facilitated transportation on rivers and the Great Lakes and in Atlantic coastal waters. Most important of all in the development of an American transportation system was the railroad. Beginning with 100 miles in 1830, more than 27,000 miles of railroad track were laid in the next thirty years. This transportation revolution turned the United States into a single massive market for the manufac- tured goods of the Northeast, the early center of American industrialization, and by 1860, the United States was well on its way to being an industrial nation.

The Spread of the Industrial Revolution 3

New Products and New Patterns During the fifty years before the outbreak of World War I in 1914, the Western world witnessed a dynamic age of material prosperity. Thanks to new industries, new sour- ces of energy, and new technological achievements, a sec- ond stage of the Industrial Revolution transformed the human environment and led people to believe that their

material progress would improve world conditions and solve all human problems.

The first major change in industrial development af- ter 1870 was the substitution of steel for iron. Steel, an alloy stronger and more malleable than iron, soon became an essential component of the Industrial Revolu- tion. New methods for rolling and shaping steel made it useful in the construction of lighter, smaller, and faster

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MAP 1.1 The Industrial Regions of Europe at the End of the Nineteenth Century. By the end of the nineteenth century, the Industrial Revolution—in steelmaking, electricity, petroleum, and chemicals—had spurred substantial economic growth and prosperity in western and central Europe; it had also sparked economic and political competition between Great Britain and Germany.

Which parts of Europe became industrialized most quckly in the nineteenth century? Why do you think this was?

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4 CHAPTER 1 The Rise of Industrial Society in the West

machines and engines as well as for railways, shipbuild- ing, and armaments. It also paved the way for the build- ing of the first skyscrapers, a development that would eventually transform the skylines of the cities of the West. In 1860, Great Britain, France, Germany, and Bel- gium produced 125,000 tons of steel; by 1913, the total was 32 million tons.

THE INVENTION OF ELECTRICITY Electricity was a major new form of energy that proved to be of great value since it moved relatively effortlessly through space by means of transmitting wires. The first commercially practical generators of electric current were not developed

until the 1870s. By 1910, hydroelectric power stations and coal-fired steam-generating plants enabled entire districts to be tied into a single power distribution system that pro- vided a common source of power for homes, shops, and industrial enterprises.

Electricity spawned a whole series of new products. The invention of the incandescent filament lamp opened homes and cities to illumination by electric lights. Although most electricity was initially used for lighting, it was eventually put to use in transportation. By the 1880s, streetcars and subways had appeared in major European cities. Electricity also transformed the factory. Conveyor belts, cranes, machines, and machine tools could all be powered by elec- tricity and located anywhere. Meanwhile, a revolution in communications ensued when Alexander Graham Bell invented the telephone in 1876 and Guglielmo Marconi sent the first radio waves across the Atlantic in 1901.

THE INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINE The develop- ment of the internal combustion engine had a similar effect. The processing of liquid fuels—petroleum and its distilled derivatives—made possible the widespread use of the internal combustion engine as a source of power in transportation. An oil-fired engine was made in 1897, and by 1902, the Hamburg-Amerika Line had switched from coal to oil on its new ocean liners. By the beginning of the twentieth century, some naval fleets had been con- verted to oil burners as well.

The internal combustion engine gave rise to the auto- mobile and the airplane. In 1900, world production, ini- tially led by the French, stood at 9,000 cars, but by 1906, Americans had taken the lead. It was an American, Henry Ford, who revolutionized the automotive industry with the mass production of the Model T. By 1916, Ford’s fac- tories were producing 735,000 cars a year. In the mean- time, air transportation had emerged with the Zeppelin airship in 1900. In 1903, at Kitty Hawk, North Carolina, the Wright brothers made the first flight in a fixed-wing plane powered by a gasoline engine. World War I stimu- lated the aircraft industry, and in 1919 the first regular pas- senger air service was established.

TRADE AND MANUFACTURING The growth of indus- trial production depended on the development of markets for the sale of manufactured goods. Competition for for- eign markets was keen, and by 1870, European countries were increasingly compelled to focus on promoting domestic demand. Between 1850 and 1900, real wages increased in Britain by two-thirds and in Germany by one- third. A decline in the cost of food combined with lower prices for manufactured goods because of reduced pro- duction and transportation costs made it easier for Euro- peans to buy consumer products. In the cities, new

The Colossus of Paris. When it was completed for the Paris World’s Fair in 1889, the Eiffel Tower became, at 1,056 feet, the tallest human-made monument in the world. The colossus, which seemed to be rising from the shadows of the city’s feudal past like some new technological giant, symbolized the triumph of the Industrial Revolution and machine-age capitalism, proclaiming the dawn of a new era of endless possibilities and power. Constructed of wrought iron with more than 2.5 million rivet holes, the structure was completed in two years and was paid for entirely by the builder himself, the engineer Gustave Eiffel. From the outset, the monument was wildly popular. Nearly 2 million people lined up at the fair to visit this gravity-defying marvel.

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The Spread of the Industrial Revolution 5

methods for retail distribution—in particular, the depart- ment store—were used to expand sales of a whole new range of consumer goods made possible by the develop- ment of the steel and electric industries. The desire to own sewing machines, clocks, bicycles, electric lights, and typewriters generated a new consumer ethic that has since become a crucial part of the modern economy.

Meanwhile, increased competition for foreign markets and the growing importance of domestic demand led to a reaction against the free trade that had characterized the European economy between 1820 and 1870. By the 1870s, Europeans were returning to the use of protective tariffs to guarantee domestic markets for the products of their own industries. At the same time, cartels were being formed to decrease competition internally. In a cartel, in- dependent enterprises worked together to control prices and fix production quotas, thereby restraining the kind of competition that led to reduced prices. The Rhenish- Westphalian Coal Syndicate, founded in 1893, controlled 98 percent of Germany’s coal production by 1904.

The formation of cartels was paralleled by a move to- ward larger and more efficient manufacturing plants, espe- cially in the iron and steel, machinery, heavy electric equipment, and chemical industries. The result was a desire to streamline or rationalize production as much as possible. The development of precision tools enabled man- ufacturers to produce interchangeable parts, which in turn led to the creation of the assembly line for production.

By 1900, much of western and central Europe had entered a new era, characterized by rising industrial pro- duction and material prosperity. With its capital, indus- tries, and military might, the region dominated the world economy. Eastern and southern Europe, however, was still largely agricultural and relegated by the industrialized countries to providing food and raw materials. The pres- ence of Romanian oil, Greek olive oil, and Serbian pigs and prunes in western Europe served as reminders of an economic division in Europe that continued well into the twentieth century.

The Emergence of a Mass Society The new world created by the Industrial Revolution led to the emergence of a mass society in western Europe and the United States by the end of the nineteenth century. A mass society meant new forms of expression for the lower classes as they benefited from the extension of voting rights, an improved standard of living, and compulsory el- ementary education. But there was a price to pay. Urban- ization and rapid population growth led to overcrowding

in the burgeoning cities and increasing public health prob- lems. As the number and size of cities continued to mush- room, by the 1880s governments came to the reluctant conclusion that private enterprise could not solve the housing crisis. In 1890, a British law empowered local town councils to construct cheap housing for the working classes. Similar activity had been set in motion in Germany by 1900. In general, however, such measures failed to do much to meet the real housing needs of the working classes. Nevertheless, the need for planning had been rec- ognized, and in the 1920s, municipal governments moved into housing construction on a large scale. More and more, governments were stepping into areas of social en- gineering that they would never have touched earlier.

Social Structures At the top of European society stood a wealthy elite, con- stituting only 5 percent of the population but controlling between 30 and 40 percent of its wealth. This privileged minority was an amalgamation of the traditional landed aristocracy that had dominated European society for cen- turies and the emerging upper middle class, sometimes called the bourgeoisie (literally “burghers” or “city peo- ple”). In the course of the nineteenth century, aristocrats coalesced with the most successful industrialists, bankers, and merchants to form a new elite.

Increasingly, aristocrats and the affluent bourgeoisie fused as the latter purchased landed estates to join the aristocrats in the pleasures of country living, while the aristocrats bought lavish town houses for part-time urban life. Common bonds were also created when the sons of wealthy bourgeois families were admitted to the elite schools dominated by the children of the aristocracy. This educated elite assumed leadership roles in the govern- ment and the armed forces. Marriage also served to unite the two groups. Daughters of tycoons gained titles, and aristocratic heirs gained new sources of cash. When the American heiress Consuelo Vanderbilt married the duke of Marlborough, the new duchess brought £2 million (approximately $10 million) to her husband.

A NEW MIDDLE CLASS Below the upper class was a mid- dle level of the bourgeoisie that included professionals in law, medicine, and the civil service as well as moderately well-to-do industrialists and merchants. The industrial expansion of the nineteenth century also added new voca- tions to Western society such as business managers, office workers, engineers, architects, accountants, and chemists, who formed professional associations as the symbols of their newfound importance. At the lower end of the mid- dle class were the small shopkeepers, traders, manufac- turers, and prosperous peasants. Their chief preoccupation

6 CHAPTER 1 The Rise of Industrial Society in the West

was the provision of goods and services for the classes above them.

The moderately prosperous and successful members of this new mass society shared a certain style of life, one whose values tended to dominate much of nineteenth- century society. They were especially active in preaching their worldview to their children and to the upper and lower classes of their society. This was especially evident in Victorian Britain, often considered a model of middle-class society. It was the European middle classes who accepted and promulgated the importance of progress and science. They believed in hard work, which they viewed as the pri- mary human good, open to everyone and guaranteed to have positive results. They also believed in the good con- duct associated with traditional Christian morality.

Such values were often scorned at the time by members of the economic and intellectual elite, and in later years, it became commonplace for observers to mock the Victorian era—the years of the long reign of Queen Victoria (r. 1837–1901) in Great Britain—for its vulgar materialism, cultural philistinism, and conformist values. As the historian Peter Gay has recently shown, however, this harsh portrayal of the “bourgeois” character of the age distorts the reality of an era of complexity and contradiction, with diverse forces interacting to lay the foundations of the modern world.2

THE WORKING CLASS The working classes constituted almost 80 percent of the population of Europe. In rural areas, many of these people were landholding peasants, agricultural laborers, and sharecroppers, especially in east- ern Europe. Only about 10 percent of the British popula- tion worked in agriculture, however; in Germany, the figure was 25 percent.

There was no homogeneous urban working class. At the top were skilled artisans in such traditional handicraft trades as cabinetmaking, printing, and jewelry making. The Industrial Revolution also brought new entrants into the group of highly skilled workers, including machine-tool specialists, shipbuilders, and metalworkers. Many skilled workers attempted to pattern themselves after the middle class by seeking good housing and educating their children.

Semiskilled laborers, including such people as carpen- ters, bricklayers, and many factory workers, earned wages that were about two-thirds of those of highly skilled work- ers (see the box on p. 8). At the bottom of the hierarchy stood the largest group of workers, the unskilled laborers. They included day laborers, who worked irregularly for very low wages, and large numbers of domestic servants. One of every seven employed persons in Great Britain in 1900 was a domestic servant.

Urban workers did experience a betterment in the ma- terial conditions of their lives after 1870. A rise in real

wages, accompanied by a decline in many consumer costs, especially in the 1880s and 1890s, made it possible for workers to buy more than just food and housing. Work- ers’ budgets now included money for more clothes and even leisure at the same time that strikes and labor agita- tion were winning ten-hour days and Saturday afternoons off. The combination of more income and more free time produced whole new patterns of mass leisure.

Among the least attractive aspects of the era, however, was the widespread practice of child labor. Working con- ditions for underage workers were often abysmal. Accord- ing to a report commissioned in 1832 to inquire into the conditions for child factory workers in Great Britain, chil- dren as young as six years of age began work before dawn. Those who were drowsy or fell asleep were tapped on the head, doused with cold water, strapped to a chair, or flogged with a stick. Another commission convened in the 1840s described conditions for underage workers in the coal mines as follows: “Chained, belted, harnessed like dogs in a go-cart, black, saturated with wet, and more than half naked—crawling upon their hands and feet, and dragging their heavy loads behind them—they present an appearance indescribably disgusting and unnatural.”3

Changing Roles for Women The position of women during the Industrial Revolution was also changing. During much of the nineteenth cen- tury, many women adhered to the ideal of femininity popularized by writers and poets. Tennyson’s poem The Princess expressed it well:

Man for the field and woman for the hearth: Man for the sword and for the needle she: Man with the head and woman with the heart: Man to command and woman to obey; All else confusion.

The reality was somewhat different. Under the impact of the Industrial Revolution, which created a wide variety of service and white-collar jobs, women began to accept employment as clerks, typists, secretaries, and salesclerks. Compulsory education opened the door to new opportu- nities in the teaching profession, and the expansion of hos- pital services enabled more women to find employment as nurses. In some countries in western Europe, women’s legal rights increased. Still, most women remained con- fined to their traditional roles of homemaking and child rearing. The less fortunate were compelled to undertake marginal work as domestic servants or as pieceworkers in sweatshops.

Paradoxically, however, employment in the new textile mills in the United States served as an effective means for young women in New England to escape their homes and

The Emergence of a Mass Society 7

establish an independent existence. As one female factory worker expressed it:

Despite the toil we all agree Out of the mill or in, Dependent on others we ne’er will be As long as we’re able to spin.4

Many of the improvements in women’s position occurred as a result of the rise of the first feminist

movements. Feminism in Europe had its origins in the social upheaval of the French Revolution, when some women advocated equality for women based on the doctrine of natural rights. In the 1830s, a number of women in the United States and Europe sought improvements for women by focusing on family and marriage law to strengthen the property rights of wives and enhance their ability to secure a divorce (see the box on p. 10). Later in the century, attention shifted to the issue of equal political rights. Many feminists

Discipline in the New Factories Workers in the new factories of the Industrial Revolution had been accustomed to a lifestyle free of overseers. Unlike the cottage industry, where home-based workers spun thread and wove cloth in their own rhythm and time, the factories demanded a new, rigorous discipline geared to the requirements and operating hours of the machines. This selection is taken from a set of rules for a factory in Berlin in 1844. They were typical of company rules everywhere the factory system had been established.

Factory Rules, Foundry and Engineering Works, Royal Overseas Trading Company In every large works, and in the coordination of any large number of workmen, good order and harmony must be looked upon as the fundamentals of success, and therefore the following rules shall be strictly observed.

1. The normal working day begins at all seasons at 6 A.M. precisely and ends, after the usual break of half an hour for breakfast, an hour for dinner, and half an hour for tea, at 7 P.M., and it shall be strictly observed. . . .

2. Workers arriving 2 minutes late shall lose half an hour’s wages; whoever is more than 2 minutes late may not start work until after the next break, or at least shall lose his wages until then. Any disputes about the correct time shall be settled by the clock mounted above the gatekeeper’s lodge. . . .

3. No workman, whether employed by time or piece, may leave before the end of the working day, with- out having first received permission from the over- seer and having given his name to the gatekeeper. Omission of these two actions shall lead to a fine of ten silver groschen payable to the sick fund.

4. Repeated irregular arrival at work shall lead to dis- missal. This shall also apply to those who are found idling by an official or overseer, and refused to obey their order to resume work. . . .

6. No worker may leave his place of work otherwise than for reasons connected with his work.

7. All conversation with fellow-workers is prohibited; if any worker requires information about his work, he must turn to the overseer, or to the particular fellow- worker designated for the purpose.

8. Smoking in the workshops or in the yard is prohib- ited during working hours; anyone caught smoking shall be fined five silver groschen for the sick fund for every such offense. . . .

10. Natural functions must be performed at the appropri- ate places, and whoever is found soiling walls, fences, squares, etc., and similarly, whoever is found wash- ing his face and hands in the workshop and not in the places assigned for the purpose, shall be fined five sil- ver groschen for the sick fund. . . .

12. It goes without saying that all overseers and officials of the firm shall be obeyed without question, and shall be treated with due deference. Disobedience will be punished by dismissal.

13. Immediate dismissal shall also be the fate of anyone found drunk in any of the workshops. . . .

14. Every workman is obliged to report to his superiors any acts of dishonesty or embezzlement on the part of his fellow workmen. If he omits to do so, and it is shown after subsequent discovery of a misdemeanor that he knew about it at the time, he shall be liable to be taken to court as an accessory after the fact and the wage due to him shall be retained as punishment.

Which, if any, of these regulations do you believe would be acceptable to employers and employees in today’s labor market? Why?

SOURCE: From Documents of European Economic History by Sidney Pollard and Colin Holmes (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1968). Copyright ª 1968 by S. Pollard and C. Holmes.

8 CHAPTER 1 The Rise of Industrial Society in the West

believed that the right to vote was the key to all other reforms to improve the position of women.

The British women’s movement was the most vocal and active in Europe, but it was divided over tactics. Mod- erates believed that women must demonstrate that they would use political power responsibly if they wanted Par- liament to grant them the right to vote. Another group, however, favored a more radical approach. In 1903, Emmeline Pankhurst (1858–1928) and her daughters, Christabel and Sylvia, founded the Women’s Social and Political Union, which enrolled mostly middle- and upper- class women. The members of Pankhurst’s organization realized the value of the media and used unusual publicity stunts to call attention to their insistence on winning women the right to vote and other demands. They pelted government officials with eggs, chained themselves to lampposts, smashed the windows of department stores on

fashionable shopping streets, burned railroad cars, and went on hunger strikes in jail.

Before World War I, demands for women’s rights were being heard throughout Europe and the United States, although only in Norway and a few American states as well as in Australia and New Zealand did women actually receive the right to vote before 1914. It would take the dramatic upheaval of World War I before male- dominated governments capitulated on this basic issue.

Reaction and Revolution: The Decline of the Old Order While the Industrial Revolution shook the economic and social foundations of European society, similar revolution- ary developments were reshaping the political map of the Continent. These developments were the product of a va- riety of factors, including not only the Industrial Revolu- tion itself but also the Renaissance, the Enlightenment, and the French Revolution at the end of the eighteenth century. The influence of these new forces resulted in a redefinition of political conditions in Europe. The conser- vative order—based on the principle of hereditary mon- archy and the existence of great multinational states such as Russia, the Habsburg Empire, and the Ottoman Empire—had emerged intact from the defeat of Napoleon Bonaparte at the Battle of Waterloo in 1815, but by mid- century, it had come under attack along a wide front. Arrayed against the conservative forces was a set of new political ideas that began to come into their own in the first half of the nineteenth century and continue to affect the entire world today.

Liberalism and Nationalism One of these new political ideas was liberalism. Liberal- ism owed much to the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century and the American and French Revolutions that erupted at the end of that century, all of which pro- claimed the autonomy of the individual against the power of the state. Opinions diverged among people classified as liberals—many of them members of the emerging middle class—but all began with a common denominator, a con- viction that in both economic and political terms, people should be as free from restraint as possible. Economic liber- alism, also known as classical economics, was based on the tenet of laissez-faire—the belief that the state should not interfere in the free play of natural economic forces, espe- cially supply and demand. Political liberalism was based on the concept of a constitutional monarchy or constitutional state, with limits on the powers of government and a writ- ten charter to protect the basic civil rights of the people.

Cracks in the Glass Ceiling. Women were largely excluded from male-dominated educational institutions in the United States before 1900. Consequently, the demand for higher education for women led to the establishment of women’s colleges, as well as specialized institutes and medical schools. The Women’s Medical College of Pennsylvania in the city of Philadelphia was the world’s first medical school created specifically for women. In this 1911 photograph, we see an operation performed by women surgeons as they instruct their students in the latest medical techniques.

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Reaction and Revolution: The Decline of the Old Order 9

Escaping the Doll’s House Although a majority of women probably followed the nineteenth-century middle-class ideal of women as keepers of the household and nurturers of husband and children, an increasing number of women fought for the rights of women. This selection is taken from Act III of Henrik Ibsen’s A Doll’s House (1879), in which the character Nora Helmer declares her independence from her husband’s control over her life.

Henrik Ibsen, A Doll’s House NORA: (Pause) Does anything strike you as we sit here? HELMER: What should strike me? NORA: We’ve been married eight years: does it not strike

you that this is the first time we two, you and I, man and wife, have talked together seriously?

HELMER: Seriously? What do you mean, seriously? NORA: For eight whole years, and more—ever since the

day we first met—we have never exchanged one serious word about serious things. . . .

HELMER: Why, my dearest Nora, what have you to do with serious things?

NORA: There we have it! You have never understood me. I’ve had great injustice done to me, Torvald; first by father, then by you.

HELMER: What! Your father and me? We, who have loved you more than all the world?

NORA: (Shaking her head) You have never loved me. You just found it amusing to think you were in love with me.

HELMER: Nora! What a thing to say! NORA: Yes, it’s true, Torvald. When I was living at home

with father, he told me his opinions and mine were the same. If I had different opinions, I said nothing about them, because he would not have liked it. He used to call me his doll-child and played with me as I played with my dolls. Then I came to live in your house.

HELMER: What a way to speak of our marriage! NORA: (Undisturbed) I mean that I passed from father’s

hands into yours. You arranged everything to your taste and I got the same tastes as you; or pretended to—I don’t know which—both, perhaps: sometimes one, sometimes the other. When I look back on it now, I seem to have been living here like a beggar, on handouts. I lived by performing tricks for you, Torvald. But that was how you wanted it. You and father have done me a great wrong. It is your fault that my life has come to naught.

HELMER: Why, Nora, how unreasonable and ungrateful! Haven’t you been happy here?

NORA: No, never. I thought I was, but I never was. HELMER: Not—not happy! . . . NORA: I must stand quite alone if I am ever to know

myself and my surroundings; so I cannot stay with you. HELMER: Nora! Nora! NORA: I am going at once. I daresay [my friend] Christina

will take me in for tonight. HELMER: You are mad! I shall not allow it! I forbid it! NORA: It’s no use your forbidding me anything now.

I shall take with me only what belongs to me; from you I will accept nothing, either now or later.

HELMER: This is madness! NORA: Tomorrow I shall go home—I mean to what was

my home. It will be easier for me to find a job there. HELMER: Oh, in your blind inexperience— NORA: I must try to gain experience, Torvald. HELMER: Forsake your home, your husband, your children!

And you don’t consider what the world will say. NORA: I can’t pay attention to that. I only know that

I must do it. HELMER: This is monstrous! Can you forsake your holiest

duties? NORA: What do you consider my holiest duties? HELMER: Need I tell you that? Your duties to your

husband and children. NORA: I have other duties equally sacred. HELMER: Impossible! What do you mean? NORA: My duties toward myself. HELMER: Before all else you are a wife and a mother. NORA: That I no longer believe. Before all else I believe

I am a human being, just as much as you are—or at least that I should try to become one. I know that most people agree with you, Torvald, and that they say so in books. But I can no longer be satisfied with what most people say and what is in books. I must think things out for myself and try to get clear about them.

Why is Nora dissatisfied with her life in the “doll’s house”? What is her husband’s response?

SOURCE: From Wesley D. Camp, Roots of Western Civilization. Copyright ª 1988 McGraw-Hill Companies.

10 CHAPTER 1 The Rise of Industrial Society in the West

Nineteenth-century liberals, however, were not democrats in the modern sense. Although they held that people were entitled to equal civil rights, the right to vote and to hold office would be open only to men who met certain prop- erty qualifications.

Nationalism was an even more powerful ideology for change in the nineteenth century. The idea arose out of an awareness of being part of a community that had com- mon institutions, traditions, language, and customs. In some cases, that sense of identity was based on shared ethnic or linguistic characteristics. In others, it was a con- sequence of a common commitment to a particular reli- gion or culture. Such a community came to be called a “nation,” and the primary political loyalty of individuals would be to this “nation” rather than, as was the case in much of Europe at that time, to a dynasty or a city-state or some other political unit. Nationalism did not become a popular force for change until the French Revolution, when the concept arose that governments should coincide with nationalities. Thus, a divided people such as the Germans wanted national unity in a German nation-state with one central government. Subject peoples, such as the Czechs and the Hungarians, wanted national self- determination, or the right to establish their own autonomy rather than be subject to a German minority in a multinational state such as the Habsburg Empire.

Liberalism and nationalism began to have an impact on the European political scene in the 1830s, when a revolt led by reformist forces installed a constitutional monarchy in France, and nationalist uprisings, often given active support by liberal forces, took place in Belgium (which was then attached to the Dutch Republic), in Italy, and in Poland (then part of the Russian Empire). Only the Belgians were successful, as Russian forces crushed the Poles’ attempt to liberate themselves from foreign domi- nation, while Austrian troops intervened to uphold reac- tionary governments in a number of Italian states.

In the spring of 1848, a new series of uprisings against established authority broke out in several countries in cen- tral and western Europe. The most effective was in France, where an uprising centered in Paris overthrew the so-called bourgeois monarchy of King Louis Philippe and briefly brought to power a new republic composed of an alliance of workers, intellectuals, and progressive repre- sentatives of the urban middle class.

The Unification of Germany and Italy Within a few months, however, it became clear that opti- mism about the imminence of a new order in Europe had not been justified. In France, the shaky alliance between

workers and the urban bourgeoisie was ruptured when workers’ groups and their representatives in the govern- ment began to demand extensive social reforms to provide guaranteed benefits to the poor. Moderates, frightened by rising political tensions in Paris, resisted such demands. Facing the specter of class war, the French nation drew back and welcomed the rise to power of Louis Napoleon, a nephew of Napoleon Bonaparte. Within three years, he declared himself Emperor Napoleon III. Elsewhere in Europe—in Germany, in the Habsburg Empire, and in Italy—popular uprisings failed to unseat autocratic mon- archs and destroy the existing political order.

But the rising force of nationalism was not to be quenched. Nationalist sentiment, at first restricted primar- ily to the small educated elite, began to spread among the general population with the rise in literacy rates and the increasing availability of books, journals, and newspapers printed in the vernacular languages. Ordinary Europeans, previously unconcerned about political affairs, now became increasingly aware of the nationalist debate and sometimes became involved in the political process.

Italy, long divided into separate kingdoms, was finally united in the early 1860s. Germany followed a few years later. Unfortunately, the rise of nation-states in central Europe did not herald the onset of liberal principles or greater stability. To the contrary, it inaugurated a period of heightened tensions as an increasingly aggressive Ger- many began to dominate the politics of Europe. In 1870, Prussian Prime Minister Otto von Bismarck (1815–1898) had provoked a war with France. After the latter’s defeat, a new German Empire was declared in the Hall of Mir- rors at the Palace of Versailles, just outside Paris.

Many German liberals were initially delighted at the unification of their country after centuries of division. But they were soon to discover that the new German Empire would not usher in a new era of peace and freedom. Under Prussian leadership, the new state quickly pro- claimed the superiority of authoritarian and militaristic values and abandoned the principles of liberalism and con- stitutional government. Nationalism had become a two- edged sword, as advocates of a greater Germany began to exert an impact on domestic politics.

Liberal principles made similarly little headway else- where in central and eastern Europe. After the transforma- tion of the Habsburg Empire into the dual monarchy of Austria-Hungary in 1867, the Austrian part received a con- stitution that theoretically recognized the equality of the nationalities and established a parliamentary system with the principle of ministerial responsibility. But the prob- lem of reconciling the interests of the various nationalities remained a difficult one. The German minority that gov- erned Austria felt increasingly threatened by the Czechs,

Reaction and Revolution: The Decline of the Old Order 11

Poles, and other Slavic groups within the empire, and when representatives of the latter began to agitate for autonomy, the government ignored the parliament and relied increas- ingly on imperial emergency decrees to govern. On the eve of World War I, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was far from solving its minorities problem (see Map 1.2).

Roots of Revolution in Russia To the east, in the vast Russian Empire, neither the Indus- trial Revolution nor the European Enlightenment had

exerted much impact. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Russia was overwhelmingly rural, agricultural, and autocratic. The Russian tsar was still regarded as a divine-right monarch with unlimited power, although the physical extent of the empire made the claim impractica- ble. For centuries, Russian farmers had groaned under the yoke of an oppressive system that tied the peasants to poverty conditions and the legal status of serfs under the authority of their manor lord. An enlightened tsar, Alexander II (r. 1855–1881), had emancipated the serfs in 1861, but under conditions that left most Russian peasants

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MAP 1.2 Europe in 1871. German unification in 1871 upset the balance of power that had prevailed in Europe for more than half a century and eventually led to a restructuring of European alliances. By 1907, Europe was divided into two opposing camps: the Triple Entente of Great Britain, Russia, and France and the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy.

Which of the countries identified on this map could be described as multinational empires?

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12 CHAPTER 1 The Rise of Industrial Society in the West

still poor and with little hope for social or economic bet- terment. In desperation, the Russian peasants periodically lashed out at their oppressors in sporadic rebellions, but all such uprisings were quelled with brutal efficiency by the tsarist regime.

In western Europe, as we have seen, it was the urban bourgeoisie that took the lead in the struggle for change. In preindustrial Russia, the middle class was still small in size and lacking in self-confidence. A few, however, had traveled to the West and were determined to import Western values and institutions into the Russian environ- ment. At mid-century, a few progressive intellectuals went out to the villages to arouse their rural brethren to the need for change. Known as narodniks (from the Russian term narod, for “people” or “nation”), they sought to ener- gize the peasantry as a force for the transformation of Russian society. Although many saw the answer to Rus- sian problems in the western European model, others insisted on the uniqueness of the Russian experience and sought to bring about a revitalization of the country on the basis of the communal traditions of the native village.

For the most part, such efforts achieved little. The Rus- sian peasant was resistant to change and suspicious of out- siders. In desperation, some radicals turned to terrorism in the hope that assassinations of public officials would spark tsarist repression, thereby demonstrating the brutal- ity of the system and galvanizing popular anger. Chief among such groups was the Narodnaya Volya (“the People’s Will”), a terrorist organization that assassinated Tsar Alexander II in 1881.

The assassination of Alexander II convinced his son and successor, Alexander III (r. 1881–1894), that reform had been a mistake, and he quickly returned to the repres- sive measures of earlier tsars. When Alexander III died, his son and successor, Nicholas II (r. 1894–1917), began his rule armed with his father’s conviction that the abso- lute power of the tsars should be preserved.

But it was too late, for conditions were changing. Although industrialization came late to Russia, it pro- gressed rapidly after 1890, especially with the assistance of foreign investment. By 1900, Russia had become the fourth-largest producer of steel, behind the United States, Germany, and Great Britain. At the same time, Russia was turning out half of the world’s production of oil. Con- ditions for the working class, however, were abysmal, and opposition to the tsarist regime from workers, peasants, and intellectuals finally exploded into revolt in 1905. Fac- ing an exhausting war with Japan in Asia (see Chapter 3), Tsar Nicholas reluctantly granted civil liberties and agreed to create a legislative assembly, the Duma, elected directly by a broad franchise. But real constitutional monarchy proved short-lived. By 1907, the tsar had curtailed the

power of the Duma and fell back on the army and the bureaucracy to rule Russia.

The Ottoman Empire and Nationalism in the Balkans Like the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Ottoman Empire was threatened by the rising nationalist aspirations of its subject peoples. Beginning in the fourteenth century, the Ottoman Turks had expanded from their base in the Ana- tolian peninsula into the Balkans and southern Russia, and along the northern coast of Africa. Soon they controlled the entire eastern half of the Mediterranean Sea. But by the nineteenth century, despite state reform programs designed to modernize the empire, increasing social unrest and the intervention of the European powers in Ottoman affairs challenged the legitimacy of the Ottoman state.

Gradually, the emotional appeal of nationhood began to make inroads among the various ethnic and linguistic groups in southeastern Europe. In the course of the nine- teenth century, the Balkan provinces of the Ottoman Empire began to gain their freedom, although the intense rivalry in the region between Austria-Hungary and Russia complicated the process. Greece became an independent kingdom in 1830 after a successful revolt. After Russia’s defeat of the Ottoman Empire in 1878, Serbia and Roma- nia were recognized as independent states. Bulgaria achieved autonomous status under Russia’s protection, and the Balkan territories of Bosnia and Herzegovina were placed under Austria’s. Despite such changes, the force of Balkan nationalism was by no means stilled.

Meanwhile, other parts of the empire began to break away from central control. In Egypt, the ambitious gover- nor Muhammad Ali declared the region’s autonomy from Ottoman rule and initiated a series of reforms designed to promote economic growth and government efficiency. During the 1830s, he sought to improve agricultural pro- duction and reform the educational system, and he imported machinery and technicians from Europe to carry out the first industrial revolution on African soil. In the end, however, the effort failed, partly because Egypt’s manufactures could not compete with those of Europe and also because much of the profit from the export of cash crops went into the hands of conservative landlords.

Measures to promote industrialization elsewhere in the empire had even less success. By mid-century, a small industrial sector, built with equipment imported from Europe, took shape, and a modern system of transport and communications began to make its appearance. By the end of the century, however, the results were meager, and members of the empire’s small Westernized elite became increasingly restive (see Chapter 5).

Reaction and Revolution: The Decline of the Old Order 13

Liberalism Triumphant In western Europe, where an affluent urban middle class represented a growing political force, liberal principles experienced a better fate. The British political and eco- nomic elites had been frightened by the specter of social revolution that periodically raged on the Continent, and by 1871 the country had a functioning two-party parlia- mentary system. Both the governing Liberal and Conserva- tive parties were dominated by a coalition of aristocratic landowners, who were also frequently involved in indus- trial and financial activities, and upper-middle-class busi- nessmen. But both parties also saw the necessity of adopting political reforms and competed in supporting legislation that expanded the right to vote. Reform acts in 1867 and 1884 greatly expanded the number of adult males who could vote, and by the end of World War I, all males over twenty-one and women over thirty had that right.

The political reforms grudgingly enacted in the last half of the nineteenth century led eventually to the growth of trade unions and the emergence in 1900 of the Labour Party, which dedicated itself to workers’ interests. As a result, the Liberals felt pressure to seek the workers’ support by promoting a program of social welfare. The National Insurance Act of 1911 provided benefits for workers in case of sickness or unemployment, to be paid for by compulsory contributions from workers, employ- ers, and the state. Additional legislation provided a small pension for those over seventy and compensation for those injured in accidents at work.

A similar process was under way in France, where the overthrow of Napoleon III’s Second Empire in 1870 led to the creation of a republican form of government. France failed, however, to develop a strong parliamentary system on the British two-party model because the existence of a dozen political parties forced the premier to depend on a coalition of parties to stay in power. The Third Republic was notorious for its changes of government. Between 1875 and 1914, there were no fewer than fifty cabinet changes; during the same period, the British had eleven. Nevertheless, the government’s political and social reforms gradually won more and more middle-class and peasant support, and by 1914, the Third Republic com- manded the loyalty of most French people.

By 1870, Italy had emerged as a geographically united state, but sectional differences (a poverty-stricken south and an industrializing north) weakened any sense of community. Chronic turmoil between labor and industry undermined the social fabric, as did the prevalence of extensive corruption among government officials and the lack of stability created by ever-changing government

coalitions. Abroad, Italy’s pretensions to great-power sta- tus proved equally hollow when it became the first Eu- ropean power to lose a war to an African state, Ethiopia, a humiliation that later led to the costly (but successful) attempt to compensate by conquering Libya in 1911 and 1912.

The United States and Canada Between 1860 and World War I, the United States made the shift from an agrarian to a mighty industrial nation. American heavy industry stood unchallenged in 1900. In that year, the Carnegie Steel Company alone produced more steel than Great Britain’s entire steel industry. In- dustrialization also led to urbanization. While established cities, such as New York, Philadelphia, and Boston, grew even larger, other moderate-size cities, such as Pittsburgh, grew by leaps and bounds because of industrialization and the arrival of millions of immigrants from eastern Europe. Whereas 20 percent of Americans lived in cities in 1860, more than 40 percent did in 1900. One factor underlying the change was a vast increase in agricultural productivity, creating a food surplus that enabled millions of Americans to move from the farm to the factory.

By 1900, the United States had become the world’s rich- est nation and greatest industrial power. Less inclined than their European counterparts to accept government inter- vention as a means of redressing economic or social ills, Americans experienced both the benefits and the disadvan- tages of unfettered capitalism. In 1890, the richest 9 percent of Americans owned an incredible 71 percent of all the wealth. Labor unrest over unsafe working condi- tions, strict work discipline, and periodic cycles of devastat- ing unemployment led workers to organize. By the turn of the twentieth century, one national organization, the American Federation of Labor, emerged as labor’s domi- nant voice. Its lack of real power, however, is reflected in its membership figures: in 1900, it constituted but 8.4 percent of the American industrial labor force. And part of the U.S. labor force remained almost entirely disenfran- chised. Although the victory of the North in the Civil War led to the abolition of slavery, political, economic, and social opportunities for the African American population remained limited, and racist attitudes were widespread.

During the so-called Progressive Era after 1900, the reform of many features of American life became a primary issue. At the state level, reforming governors sought to achieve clean government by introducing elements of direct democracy, such as direct primaries for selecting nominees for public office. State governments also enacted economic and social legislation, including laws that gov- erned hours, wages, and working conditions, especially for

14 CHAPTER 1 The Rise of Industrial Society in the West

women and children. The realization that state laws were ineffective in dealing with nationwide problems, however, led to a progressive movement at the national level.

National progressivism was evident in the administra- tions of Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson. Under Roosevelt (1901–1909), the Meat Inspection Act and Pure Food and Drug Act provided for a limited degree of federal regulation of corrupt industrial practices. Wilson (1913–1921) was responsible for the creation of a graduated federal income tax and the Federal Reserve Sys- tem, which gave the federal government a role in impor- tant economic decisions formerly made by bankers. Like many European nations, the United States was moving into policies that extended the functions of the state.

Canada, economically somewhat more homogeneous than its southern neighbor, faced fewer problems in addressing issues related to social and economic equality. The larger issue for Canada was that of national unity. At the beginning of 1870, the Dominion of Canada had only four provinces: Quebec, Ontario, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick. With the addition of two more provinces in 1871—Manitoba and British Columbia—the Dominion now extended from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific. But real unity was difficult to achieve because of the distrust between the English-speaking and the French-speaking peoples of Canada, most of whom lived in the province of Quebec. Fortunately for Canada, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, who became the first French Canadian prime minister in 1896, was able to reconcile Canada’s two major groups and resolve the issue of separate schools for French Canadians. Laurier’s administration also witnessed increased industri- alization and successfully encouraged immigrants from central and eastern Europe to help populate Canada’s vast territories.

Tradition and Change in Latin America In the three centuries following the arrival of Christopher Columbus in the Western Hemisphere in 1492, South and Central America fell increasingly into the European orbit. Portugal dominated Brazil, and Spain created a vast empire that included most of the remainder of South America as well as Central America. Hence, the entire area is generally described as Latin America. Almost from the beginning, it was a multicultural society composed of European settlers, indigenous American Indians, immi- grants from Asia, and black slaves brought from Africa to work on the sugar plantations and in other menial occupa- tions. Intermarriage among the four groups resulted in the creation of a diverse population with a less rigid view of race than was the case in North America. Latin American

culture also came to reflect a rich mixture of Iberian, Asian, African, and Native American themes.

THE EMERGENCE OF INDEPENDENT STATES Until the beginning of the nineteenth century, the various Latin American societies were ruled by colonial officials appointed by monarchical governments in Europe. An additional instrument of control was the Catholic Church, which undertook a major effort to Christianize the indige- nous peoples and transform them into docile and loyal subjects of the Portuguese and Spanish Empires. By 1800, however, local elites, mostly descendants of Europeans who had become permanent inhabitants of the Western Hemisphere, became increasingly affected by the spirit of nationalism that had emerged after the Napoleonic era in Europe. During the first quarter of the nineteenth century, under great leaders like Sim�on Bol�ıvar of Venezuela and Jos�e de San Mart�ın of Argentina, they launched a series of revolts that led to the eviction of the monarchical regimes and the formation of independent states from Argentina and Chile in the south to Mexico in North America. Brazil received its independence from Portugal in 1825.

Many of the new states were based on the adminis- trative divisions that had been established by the Spanish in the early colonial era. Although all shared the legacy of Iberian culture brought to the Americas by the conquistadors, the particular mix of European, African, and indigenous peoples resulted in distinctive characteris- tics for each country.

One of the goals of the independence movement had been to free the economies of Latin America from Euro- pean control and to exploit the riches of the continent for local benefit. In fact, however, political independence did not lead to a new era of prosperity for the people of Latin America. Most of the powerful elites in the region earned their wealth from the land and had few incentives to fol- low the European model of promoting an industrial revo- lution. As a result, the previous trade pattern persisted, with Latin America exporting raw materials and foodstuffs (wheat and sugar) as well as tobacco and hides in exchange for manufactured goods from Europe and the United States.

PROBLEMS OF ECONOMIC DEPENDENCE With eco- nomic growth came a boom in foreign investment. Between 1870 and 1913, British investments—mostly in railroads, mining, and public utilities—grew from £85 million to £757 million, which constituted two-thirds of all foreign investment in Latin America. By the end of the century, however, the U.S. economic presence began to increase dramatically. As Latin Americans struggled to cre- ate more balanced economies after 1900, they concentrated

Liberalism Triumphant 15

on building a manufacturing base, notably in textiles, food processing, and construction materials.

Nevertheless, the growth of the Latin American econ- omy came largely from the export of raw materials, and the gradual transformation of the national economies in Latin America simply added to the region’s growing de- pendence on the capitalist nations of the West. Modern- ization was basically a surface feature of Latin American society; past patterns still largely prevailed. Rural elites dominated their estates and their rural workers. Although slavery was abolished by 1888, former slaves and their de- scendants were still at the bottom of society. The Native Americans remained poverty-stricken, debt servitude was still a way of life, and the region remained economically dependent on foreigners. Despite its economic growth, Latin America was still sorely underdeveloped.

One potential bright spot for the future economic prosperity of Latin America was the discovery of natural rubber in Brazil. Derived from the sap of a tree native to the Amazon River basin, rubber rapidly achieved popular- ity throughout the world as products made of it—from erasers, footwear, and raincoats to automobile tires— flooded the markets of Europe and the United States. The boom was short-lived, however. After seeds of the rubber tree were secretly shipped to Great Britain in the 1870s, rubber plantations began to be established by European growers in colonial Southeast Asia, and the Brazilian industry—plagued by poor management practices— quickly declined in the first quarter of the twentieth cen- tury (see Chapter 2).

The surface prosperity that resulted from the emer- gence of an export economy had a number of repercus- sions. One result was the modernization of the elites, who

grew determined to pursue their vision of progress. Large landowners increasingly sought ways to rationalize their production methods to make greater profits. As a result, cattle ranchers in Argentina and coffee barons in Brazil became more aggressive entrepreneurs.

Another result of the new prosperity was the growth of a small but increasingly visible middle class—lawyers, merchants, shopkeepers, businessmen, schoolteachers, professors, bureaucrats, and military officers. Living mainly in the cities, these people sought education and decent incomes and increasingly regarded the United States as the model to emulate, especially in regard to in- dustrialization and education.

As Latin American export economies boomed, the working class expanded, and this in turn led to the growth of labor unions, which often advocated the use of the gen- eral strike as an instrument for change. By and large, how- ever, the governing elites succeeded in stifling the political influence of the working class by restricting the right to vote. The need for industrial labor also led Latin American countries to encourage European immigrants. Between 1880 and 1914, 3 million Europeans, primarily Italians and Spaniards, settled in Argentina. More than 100,000 Europeans, mostly Italian, Portuguese, and Span- ish, arrived in Brazil each year between 1891 and 1900.

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CHANGES As in Europe and the United States, industrialization led to urbanization. Buenos Aires (known as the “Paris of South America” for its European atmosphere) had 750,000 inhabitants by 1900 and 2 million by 1914—one-fourth of Argentina’s popula- tion. By that time, urban dwellers made up 53 percent of Argentina’s population overall. Brazil and Chile also

The Opera House at Manaus. The discovery of rubber in the mid-nineteenth century was one of the most significant events in the history of Brazil. Natural rubber, much of it produced by slave labor, became the source of great wealth for Brazilian plantation owners until the rubber boom declined after 1900. The most visible symbol of “king rubber” is the Opera House at Manaus, the largest city on the Amazon. Built in 1896 in an opulent style that included the profligate use of Italian marble, it has recently been renovated and stands as a beacon of promise for one of Latin America’s fastest- growing regions, as well as a reminder of a shameful period in the history of Latin America.

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16 CHAPTER 1 The Rise of Industrial Society in the West

witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of urban dwellers.

Latin America also experienced a political transforma- tion after 1870. Large landowners began to take a more direct interest in national politics, sometimes expressed by a direct involvement in governing. In Argentina and Chile, for example, landholding elites controlled the gov- ernments, and although they produced constitutions simi- lar to those of the United States and European countries, they were careful to ensure their power by regulating vot- ing rights.

In some countries, large landowners made use of dicta- tors to maintain their interests. Porfirio D�ıaz, who ruled Mexico from 1876 to 1911, established a conservative gov- ernment with the support of the army, foreign capitalists, large landowners, and the Catholic Church, all of whom benefited from their alliance. But there were forces for change in Mexico that sought to precipitate a true social revolution. D�ıaz was ousted from power in 1911, opening an extended era of revolutionary unrest.

Sometimes political instability led to foreign interven- tion. In 1898, the United States sent military forces in sup- port of an independence movement in Cuba, bringing an end to four hundred years of Spanish rule on the island. U.S. occupation forces then remained for several years, despite growing opposition from the local population. The United States also intervened militarily in Nicaragua, Honduras, and the Dominican Republic to restore law and order and protect U.S. economic interests in the region, sparking cries of “Yankee imperialism.”

The Rise of the Socialist Movement One of the less desirable consequences of the Industrial Revolution was the yawning disparity in the distribution of wealth. While industrialization brought increasing afflu- ence to an emerging middle class, it brought grinding hardship to millions of others in the form of low-paying jobs in mines or factories characterized by long working hours under squalid conditions. The underlying cause was clear: because of the rapid population growth taking place in most industrializing societies in Europe, factory owners remained largely free to hire labor on their own terms, based on market forces.

Beginning in the last decades of the eighteenth century, radical groups, inspired by the egalitarian ideals of the French Revolution, began to seek the means to rectify the problem. Some found the answer in intellectual schemes that envisaged a classless society based on the elimination of private property. Others prepared for an armed revolt

to overthrow the ruling order and create a new society controlled by the working masses. Still others began to form trade unions to fight for improved working condi- tions and higher wages. Only one group sought to com- bine all of these factors into a comprehensive program to destroy the governing forces and create a new egalitarian society based on the concept of “scientific socialism.” The founder of that movement was Karl Marx, a German who had abandoned an academic career in philosophy to take up radical political activities in Paris.

The Rise of Marxism Marxism made its first appearance in 1847 with the publi- cation of a short treatise, The Communist Manifesto, written by Karl Marx (1818–1883) and his close collaborator, Frie- drich Engels (1820–1895). In the Manifesto, the two authors predicted the outbreak of a massive uprising that would overthrow the existing ruling class and bring to power a new revolutionary regime based on their ideas (see the box on p. 18).

Marx, the son of a Jewish lawyer in the city of Trier in western Germany, was trained in philosophy and became an admirer of the German philosopher Georg W. F. Hegel, who viewed historical change as the result of con- flict between contending forces. The clash between such forces would eventually lead to synthesis in a new and higher reality.

Marx appropriated Hegel’s ideas and applied them to the economic and social conditions of mid-nineteenth- century Europe, where he envisioned an intense struggle between the owners of the means of production and dis- tribution and the oppressed majority who labored on their behalf. During the feudal era, landless serfs rose up to overthrow their manor lords, giving birth to capitalism. In turn, Marx predicted, the proletariat (the urban working class) would eventually revolt against subhuman condi- tions to bring down the capitalist order and establish a new classless society to be called communism. According to Marx, the achievement of communist societies through- out the world would represent the final stage of history.

When revolutions broke out all over Europe in the eventful year of 1848, Marx and Engels eagerly but mis- takenly predicted that the uprisings would spread throughout Europe and lead to a new revolutionary re- gime led by workers, dispossessed bourgeois, and com- munists. When that did not occur, Marx belatedly concluded that urban merchants and peasants were too conservative to support the workers and would oppose revolution once their own immediate economic demands were satisfied. As for the worker movement itself, it was clearly still too weak to seize power and could not expect

The Rise of the Socialist Movement 17

to achieve its own objectives until the workers had become politically more sophisticated and better orga- nized. In effect, Marx concluded that revolution would not take place in western Europe until capitalism had “ripened,” leading to a concentration of capital in the hands of a wealthy minority and an “epidemic of over- production” because of inadequate purchasing power by the impoverished lower classes. Then a large and increas- ingly alienated proletariat could drive the capitalists from power and bring about a classless utopia.

For the remainder of his life, Marx acted out the logic of these conclusions. From his base in London, he under- took a massive study of the dynamics of the capitalist sys- tem, a project that resulted in the publication of the first volume of his most ambitious work, Das Kapital (Capital), in 1869. In the meantime, he attempted to prepare for the future revolution by organizing the scattered radical par- ties throughout Europe into a cohesive revolutionary movement, called the International Workingmen’s Associ- ation (usually known today as the First International), that

The Classless Society In The Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels predicted the creation of a classless society as the end product of the struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. In this selection, they discuss the steps by which that classless society would be reached.

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto We have seen . . . that the first step in the revolution by the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class. . . . The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the State, i.e., of the proletariat organized as the ruling class; and to increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible.

Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by means of despotic inroads on the rights of property, and on the conditions of bourgeois production; by means of measures, therefore, which appear economically insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course of the movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate further inroads upon the old social order, and are unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionizing the mode of production.

These measures will of course be different in different countries.

Nevertheless, in the most advanced countries, the following will be pretty generally applicable:

1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes.

2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax. 3. Abolition of all right of inheritance. . . . 5. Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by

means of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.

6. Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the State.

7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State. . . .

8. Equal liability of all to labor. Establishment of indus- trial armies, especially for agriculture.

9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more equable distri- bution of the population over the country.

10. Free education for all children in public schools. Aboli- tion of children’s factory labor in its present form. . . .

When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.

In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.

How did Marx and Engels define the proletariat? The bourgeoisie? Why did Marxists come to believe that this distinction was paramount for understanding history? For shaping the future?

SOURCE: From Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto.

18 CHAPTER 1 The Rise of Industrial Society in the West

would be ready to rouse the workers to action when the opportunity came.

Unity was short-lived. Although all members of the First International shared a common distaste for the capi- talist system, some preferred to reform it from within (many of the labor groups from Great Britain), whereas others were convinced that only violent insurrection would suffice to destroy the existing ruling class (Karl Marx and the anarchists around Russian revolutionary Mikhail Bakunin). Even the radicals could not agree. Marx believed that revolution could not succeed without a core of committed communists to organize and lead the masses; Bakunin contended that the general insurrection should be a spontaneous uprising from below. In 1871, the First International disintegrated.

Capitalism in Transition While Marx was grappling with the problems of preparing for the coming revolution, European society was under- going significant changes. The advanced capitalist states such as Great Britain, France, and the Low Countries (Belgium, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands) were gradu- ally evolving into mature, politically stable societies in which Marx’s dire predictions were not being borne out. His forecast of periodic economic crises was correct enough, but his warnings of concentration of capital and the impoverishment of labor were somewhat wide of the mark, as capitalist societies began to eliminate or at least reduce some of the more flagrant inequities apparent in the early stages of capitalist development. These reforms occurred because workers and their representatives had begun to use the democratic political process to their own advantage, organizing labor unions and political parties to improve working conditions and enhance the role of workers in the political system. Some of these political parties were led by Marxists, who were learning that in the absence of a social revolution to bring the masses to power, the capitalist democratic system could be reformed from within to improve the working and living conditions of its constituents. In 1889, after Marx’s death, several such parties (often labeled “social democratic” par- ties) formed the Second International, dominated by reformist elements committed to achieving socialism within the bounds of the Western parliamentary system.

Marx had also underestimated the degree to which nationalism would appeal to workers in most European countries. Marx had viewed nation and culture as false idols diverting the interests of the oppressed from their true con- cern, the struggle against the ruling class. In his view, the proletariat would throw off its chains and unite in the sa- cred cause of “internationalist” world revolution. In reality,

workers joined peasants and urban merchants in defending the cause of the nation against its foreign enemies. A gener- ation later, French workers would die in the trenches defending France from workers across the German border.

A historian of the late nineteenth century might have been forgiven for predicting that Marxism, as a revolu- tionary ideology, was dead. To the east, however, in the vast plains and steppes of central Russia, it was about to be reborn (see Chapter 4).

Toward the Modern Consciousness: Intellectual and Cultural Developments The physical changes that were taking place in societies exposed to the Industrial Revolution were accompanied by an equally significant transformation in the arena of culture. Before 1914, most Westerners continued to believe in the values and ideals that had been generated by the impact of the Scientific Revolution and the Enlight- enment. The ability of human beings to improve them- selves and achieve a better society seemed to be well demonstrated by a rising standard of living, urban improvements, and mass education. Between 1870 and 1914, however, a dramatic transformation in the realm of ideas and culture challenged many of these assumptions. A new view of the physical universe, alternative views of human nature, and radically innovative forms of literary and artistic expression shattered old beliefs and opened the way to a modern consciousness. Although the real impact of many of these ideas was not felt until after World War I, they served to provoke a sense of confusion and anxiety before 1914 that would become even more pronounced after the war.

Developments in the Sciences: The Emergence of a New Physics A prime example of this development took place in the realm of physics. Throughout much of the nineteenth cen- tury, Westerners adhered to the mechanical conception of the universe postulated by the classical physics of Isaac Newton (1642–1727). In this perspective, the universe was a giant machine in which time, space, and matter were objective realities that existed independently of the parties observing them. Matter was thought to be composed of indivisible, solid material bodies called atoms.

But these views began to be questioned at the end of the nineteenth century. Some scientists had discovered that certain elements such as radium and polonium spon- taneously gave off rays or radiation that apparently came

Toward the Modern Consciousness: Intellectual and Cultural Developments 19

from within the atom itself. Atoms were therefore not hard material bodies but small worlds containing such subatomic particles as electrons and protons that behaved in a seemingly random and inexplicable fashion. Inquiry into the disintegrative process within atoms became a cen- tral theme of the new physics.

Building on this work, in 1900, a Berlin physicist, Max Planck (1858–1947), rejected the belief that a heated body radiates energy in a steady stream but maintained instead that it did so discontinuously, in irregular packets of energy that he called “quanta.” The quantum theory raised fundamental questions about the subatomic realm of the atom. By 1900, the old view of atoms as the basic building blocks of the material world was being seriously questioned, and Newtonian physics was in trouble.

Albert Einstein (1879–1955), a German-born patent offi- cer working in Switzerland, pushed these new theories of thermodynamics into new terrain. In 1905, Einstein pub- lished a paper setting forth his theory of relativity. Accord- ing to relativity theory, space and time are not absolute but relative to the observer, and both are interwoven into what Einstein called a four-dimensional space-time contin- uum. Neither space nor time has an existence independent of human experience. Moreover, matter and energy reflect the relativity of time and space. Einstein concluded

CONTEMPORARY WORLD HISTORY

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