15 English Problems Pls Help

Question Description

2.

(LC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verballystated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette andSenator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothingis wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet Ihave never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me anunrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. Itwas in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve,protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could nottake the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that Imight take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration thisoath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgmenton the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this manytimes and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done noofficial act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling onslavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve theConstitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty ofpreserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation,of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to losethe nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often alimb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely givento save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, mightbecome lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of theConstitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, Iassumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the bestof my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to saveslavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government,country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted militaryemancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity.When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggestedthe arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it anindispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attemptedmilitary emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think theindispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862,I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favorcompensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity formilitary emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless avertedby that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my bestjudgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union,and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the coloredelement. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gainthan loss; but of this I was not entirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

Use context to determine the meaning of the words in bold. (4 points)

Crucial requirement

Mutual agreement

Significant other

Worthwhile pastime

3.

(MC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verballystated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette andSenator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothingis wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet Ihave never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me anunrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. Itwas in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve,protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could nottake the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that Imight take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration thisoath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgmenton the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this manytimes and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done noofficial act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling onslavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve theConstitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty ofpreserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation,of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to losethe nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often alimb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely givento save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, mightbecome lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of theConstitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, Iassumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the bestof my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to saveslavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government,country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted militaryemancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it anindispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, thenSecretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, stilllater, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it,because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When,in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appealsto the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed theindispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blackswould come, unless averted by that measure. They declined theproposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternativeof either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or oflaying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. Inchoosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was notentirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

When Lincoln asks if it is possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution . . . what is he referring to? (4 points)

The certainty that abiding by the law would do nothing to stop the war

The certainty that abolishing slavery would bring the war to a peaceful end

The possibility of abiding by the law while destroying the nation through war

The possibility of abolishing slavery yet continuing to fight an unjust war

4.

(MC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verballystated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette andSenator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothingis wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet Ihave never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me anunrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. Itwas in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve,protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could nottake the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that Imight take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration thisoath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgmenton the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this manytimes and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done noofficial act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling onslavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve theConstitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty ofpreserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation,of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to losethe nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often alimb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely givento save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, mightbecome lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of theConstitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, Iassumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the bestof my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to saveslavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government,country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted militaryemancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it anindispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, thenSecretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, stilllater, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it,because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When,in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appealsto the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed theindispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blackswould come, unless averted by that measure. They declined theproposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternativeof either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or oflaying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. Inchoosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was notentirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

What does Lincoln mean by laying strong hand upon the colored element? (4 points)

Freeing black soldiers

Giving arms to black soldiers

Incarcerating former slaves

Incarcerating slaveholders

5.

(MC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verballystated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette andSenator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothingis wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet Ihave never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me anunrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. Itwas in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve,protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could nottake the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that Imight take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration thisoath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgmenton the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this manytimes and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done noofficial act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling onslavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve theConstitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty ofpreserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation,of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to losethe nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often alimb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely givento save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, mightbecome lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of theConstitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, Iassumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the bestof my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to saveslavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government,country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted militaryemancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it anindispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, thenSecretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, stilllater, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it,because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When,in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appealsto the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed theindispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blackswould come, unless averted by that measure. They declined theproposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternativeof either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or oflaying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. Inchoosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was notentirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

Based on the letter, what was Lincoln’s position on the Constitution? (4 points)

It was more important than his own beliefs.

It was secondary to states’ rights.

It could only work as long as there was unity.

It would only have power if the president was neutral.

6.

(LC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verballystated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette andSenator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothingis wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet Ihave never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me anunrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. Itwas in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve,protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could nottake the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that Imight take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration thisoath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgmenton the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this manytimes and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done noofficial act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling onslavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve theConstitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty ofpreserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation,of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to losethe nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often alimb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely givento save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, mightbecome lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of theConstitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, Iassumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the bestof my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to saveslavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government,country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted militaryemancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it anindispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, thenSecretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, stilllater, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it,because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When,in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appealsto the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed theindispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blackswould come, unless averted by that measure. They declined theproposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternativeof either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or oflaying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. Inchoosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was notentirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

Review the sentences in bold. What does President Lincoln express he did not want to do? (4 points)

Give up the Union

Assist the North

Work with others

Discuss his decisions

7.

(LC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verballystated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette andSenator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothingis wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet Ihave never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me anunrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. Itwas in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve,protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could nottake the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that Imight take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration thisoath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgmenton the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this manytimes and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done noofficial act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling onslavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve theConstitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty ofpreserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation,of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to losethe nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often alimb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely givento save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, mightbecome lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of theConstitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, Iassumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the bestof my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to saveslavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government,country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attemptedmilitary emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it anindispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, thenSecretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, stilllater, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it,because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come.When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successiveappeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, Ibelieved the indispensable necessity for military emancipation andarming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. Theydeclined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to thealternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it theConstitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chosethe latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but ofthis I was not entirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

What does President Lincoln describe in the lines in bold? (4 points)

The readers who will likely disagree with his values

The people who rejected his offer of emancipation

The times he did not allow military emancipation

The lines in the Constitution that give him power

8.

(LC)

Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerpt

Executive Mansion, Washington,
April 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.

My Dear Sir:
You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verballystated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette andSenator Dixon. It was about as follows:
I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrongnothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel;and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me anunrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. Itwas in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve,protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could nottake the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that Imight take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration thisoath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgmenton the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this manytimes and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done noofficial act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling onslavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve theConstitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty ofpreserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation,of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to losethe nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often alimb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely givento save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, mightbecome lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of theConstitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, Iassumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the bestof my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to saveslavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government,country, and Constitution altogether.
When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted militaryemancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it anindispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, thenSecretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, stilllater, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it,because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When,in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appealsto the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed theindispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blackswould come, unless averted by that measure. They declined theproposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternativeof either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or oflaying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. Inchoosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was notentirely confident…

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

In a paragraph of three to five sentences, summarize President Lincoln’s meaning in the paragraph in bold. Use proper spelling and grammar. (5 points)

9.

(LC)

The Emancipation Proclamation, excerpt

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.

I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, andCommander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim anddeclare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted forthe object of practically restoring the constitutional relation betweenthe United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, inwhich States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.

That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, onethousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaveswithin any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereofshall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then,thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of theUnited States, including the military and naval authority thereof, willrecognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no actor acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they maymake for their actual freedom.

That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, byproclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in whichthe people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against theUnited States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereofshall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of theUnited States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein amajority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated,shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.

Use context to determine the meaning of the word in bold. (4 points)

Confusing

Expensive

Confirmed

Extravagant

10.

(MC)

The Emancipation Proclamation, excerpt

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.

I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, andCommander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim anddeclare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted forthe object of practically restoring the constitutional relation betweenthe United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, inwhich States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.

That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to againrecommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid tothe free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, thepeople whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United Statesand which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter mayvoluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery withintheir respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons ofAfrican descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere,with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there,will be continued.

That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, onethousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaveswithin any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereofshall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then,thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of theUnited States, including the military and naval authority thereof, willrecognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no actor acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they maymake for their actual freedom.

That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, byproclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in whichthe people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against theUnited States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereofshall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of theUnited States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein amajority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated,shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemedconclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not thenin rebellion against the United States.

That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled “AnAct to make an additional Article of War” approved March 13, 1862, andwhich act is in the words and figure following:

”Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of theUnited States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter thefollowing shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for thegovernment of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed andobserved as such:

Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval serviceof the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forcesunder their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitivesfrom service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whomsuch service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall befound guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall bedismissed from the service.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage.”

What is the effect of the following passage on the U.S. government?

“…and the executive government of the United States, includingthe military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintainthe freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress suchpersons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actualfreedom.” (4 points)

It intends to conscript former slaves into the military.

It intends to prosecute former slave owners.

It will not stop any slave from moving toward freedom.

It will use its military and naval authority to stop the war.

11.

(MC)

The Emancipation Proclamation, excerpt

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.

I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, andCommander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim anddeclare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted forthe object of practically restoring the constitutional relation betweenthe United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, inwhich States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.

That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to againrecommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid tothe free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, thepeople whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United Statesand which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter mayvoluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery withintheir respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons ofAfrican descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere,with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there,will be continued.

That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, onethousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaveswithin any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereofshall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then,thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of theUnited States, including the military and naval authority thereof, willrecognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no actor acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they maymake for their actual freedom.

That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, byproclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in whichthe people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against theUnited States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereofshall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of theUnited States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein amajority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated,shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemedconclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not thenin rebellion against the United States.

That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled “AnAct to make an additional Article of War” approved March 13, 1862, andwhich act is in the words and figure following:

”Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of theUnited States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter thefollowing shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for thegovernment of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed andobserved as such:

Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval serviceof the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forcesunder their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitivesfrom service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whomsuch service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall befound guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall bedismissed from the service.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage.”

Which word most clearly and correctly describes the tone of this text? (4 points)

Informal

Firm

Militaristic

Political

12.

(HC)

The Emancipation Proclamation, excerpt

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.

I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, andCommander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim anddeclare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted forthe object of practically restoring the constitutional relation betweenthe United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, inwhich States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.

That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to againrecommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid tothe free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, thepeople whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United Statesand which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter mayvoluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery withintheir respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons ofAfrican descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere,with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there,will be continued.

That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, onethousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaveswithin any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereofshall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then,thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of theUnited States, including the military and naval authority thereof, willrecognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no actor acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they maymake for their actual freedom.

That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, byproclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in whichthe people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against theUnited States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereofshall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of theUnited States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein amajority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated,shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemedconclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not thenin rebellion against the United States.

That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled “AnAct to make an additional Article of War” approved March 13, 1862, andwhich act is in the words and figure following:

”Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of theUnited States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter thefollowing shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for thegovernment of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed andobserved as such:

Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval serviceof the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forcesunder their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitivesfrom service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whomsuch service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall befound guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall bedismissed from the service.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage.”

What is one of the main driving forces behind the Emancipation Proclamation?

Be sure to use evidence from the text to support your answer. (5 points)

13.

(LC)

Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address:

It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God’s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged.

To what does the phrase sweat of other men’s faces refer? (4 points)

The moisture of exertion

The owners of plantations

The suggestion of work

The toil of slaves

14.

(LC)

Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address:

It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God’s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged.

What does the word wringing mean as used in this sentence? (4 points)

Painfully extracting

Simply getting

Strongly twisting

Thoughtfully suggesting

15.

(MC)

Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address:

Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled bythe bondsman’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall besunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said “the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.

Which of the following best explains the effect of the phrase until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword? (4 points)

It creates a sense of honored fairness.

It creates a sense of sorrow and grief.

It suggests a feeling of suffering and pain.

It suggests a much-deserved justice.

16.

(MC)

Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address:

. . . let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation’s wounds;to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, andhis orphan – to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and alasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations

Which of the following best describes the effect of the phrase bind up the nation’s wounds? (4 points)

It implies a caring approach to ending the war.

It implies a medical, scientific response to war.

It suggests a spreading infectious thought.

It suggests restricting the South during recovery.

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